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全文: "外国人嫌悪"
12件中 1-12の結果を表示しています
  • 近藤 孝弘
    現代史研究
    2007年 53 巻 71-76
    発行日: 2007/12/25
    公開日: 2018/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中條 健志
    Revue japonaise de didactique du français
    2008年 3 巻 2 号 101-102
    発行日: 2008/10/11
    公開日: 2017/10/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 内田 勝
    英文学研究 支部統合号
    2011年 3 巻 329-335
    発行日: 2011/01/20
    公開日: 2017/06/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ドイツ文學
    1999年 103 巻 193-198
    発行日: 1999/10/15
    公開日: 2018/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 森 千香子
    日本中東学会年報
    2004年 20 巻 2 号 323-351
    発行日: 2005/03/31
    公開日: 2018/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The <<fear of Islam>> is not a new subject in France : this country's geographic location, in permanent contact with the Arab Islamic world, always brought complex relations, both close and strained, with the Islamic world. A combination of different reasons has led to the present situation : ancient history (France is a catholic nation, particularly active during the Crusade), recent history (the Iranian revolution, increasing number of <<fundamentalist's terrorist acts>> in Algeria, the September 11 attacks...), and France's sociological situation itself (with an important Muslim community). However, since several years, a sort of mutation has been taking place in Islam's representation, while the number of anti-Muslim acts is on the rise. What does this mutation consist of? What is exactly the <<new anti-Muslim phenomenon>> in French society? To answer these questions, we analyze the new anti-Islam discourses and focus on its promoters, in order to grasp the crucial issues and the underlying ideas of this phenomenon in French socio-political context. First of all, this paper will outline some of the principal characteristics of Islamophobia in France, especially the relations between ultranationalist xenophobia and current Islamophobia. Then, new forms of critical discourses towards Islam are to be studied and their relations with new Islamophobia's logics. The objective of this paper is to analyze if the latest outbreak of anti-Islamic attacks is only a variation of <<traditional>> anti-Arab racism, or if current Islamophobia presents, on the contrary, some new peculiarities, partly or entirely distinct from traditional xenophobia. Our analysis will clarify two points : first, ultranationalist racist ideology plays a nonnegligible part in the contemporary Islamophobia. This point of view, systematically amalgamating <<terrorists>>, <<fundamentalists>>, <<Muslims>> and <<immigrants>>, consists in considering the Islam as a <<potential threat>> to the French nation and, on the basis of an essentialist ideology, in excluding Islam from the phantasmagoric fabrication of a so-called <<French identity>>. Secondly, the present-day Islamophobia is nevertheless clearly irreducible to the ultranationalist anti-Arab racism : <<criticism of Islamic fundamentalists>> by several actors (experts of <<New anti-Semitism by Muslims>>, defenders of <<universal values>> or even <<Moderate Muslims>>), also exercises sometimes-in its own ways- some vicious influences on the reinforcement of anti-Muslim stereotypes, potentially leading to some latent legitimatization of its overstepped forms.
  • 奥山 厚子
    英文学研究 支部統合号
    2018年 11 巻 7-16
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2019/02/07
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 横田 晋大
    心理学評論
    2017年 60 巻 1 号 15-22
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2018/07/20
    ジャーナル フリー

    In this paper, the evolutionary roots of gender differences in aggressive behavior are presented. Previous studies in the field of social psychology have shown that men are more aggressive than women not only in interpersonal, but also in intergroup relationships. From an evolutionary psychological view, it is predicted that outgroup aggression is triggered by the psychological mechanisms adapted to intergroup conflict specified for males. However, social psychologists demonstrated that ingroup cooperation, but not outgroup aggression, was dominant in intergroup conflict situations in a laboratory experiment. On the other hand, in these days, some evidence in the field of cultural anthropology, ethnography, and bioarcheology have clearly shown that hunter-gatherer and forager males frequently engaged in war. I discuss whether intergroup conflict influences selection pressure on male aggressive behavior as a reproductive strategy to enhance fitness.

  • 重政 公一
    国際政治
    2018年 2018 巻 190 号 190_81-190_96
    発行日: 2018/01/25
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル 認証あり

    This article postulates that Myanmar’s long-discarded ethnic minority group, the Rohingya people in Rakhine State, has a multifaceted characteristic—refugees, internally displaced persons, and stateless people. They have one common theme—the most persecuted minority in the world. This paper investigates their plight from its origins in the nineteenth century up to now and argues that ASEAN needs to consider on the applicability of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) norm to eradicate their plight. Interference, however, would be an unorthodox diplomatic move that violates ASEAN’s long-guarded non-interference principle.

    The justifications for interference are three-fold: the Rohingyas are “stateless” people with no governmental protection for their right to life; they fall victim to the inter-communal violence that was invoked by nationalistic Buddhist movements; and their evacuation from the deteriorating human rights conditions on the ground puts their life into jeopardy at sea, and they are subject to human trafficking at a later stage.

    The United Nations World Summit Outcome Document stipulated the R2P norm in 2005. ASEAN member states verbally accepted this norm’s emergence in the first instance, but are at odds with its introduction into regional politics. To examine the theoretical and policy application of it, we do not take this norm’s localization in Southeast Asia for granted.

    This piece categorizes three types of arguments over the R2P and its localization within the ASEAN area when we examine the Rohingya issues in Myanmar and beyond. First, there are “accommodationsit” that say that the state sovereignty can be reconciled with humanitarian needs and imperative situations faced with the Rohingya’s plight. “Incrementalist” contend that ASEAN has endeavored to create a caring society for its people by establishing new institutions to promote and protect human rights and fundamental values. The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights, as an overarching institution of the kind, is a case in point. Despite some institutional deficiencies, it has at least a “tongue”—promoting and protecting ASEAN people’s fundamental rights as encapsulated in the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration(2012). Incrementalist can view these existing legal frameworks, humanitarian and human rights instruments, to which the ASEAN member states have acceded, as the window of opportunity for a possible localization of R2P in the region. Finally, “Scepticist” regard the R2P’s localization as premature, since the ardent advocacy for the norm comes from external regional non-state actors. This makes the scepticist doubt that decision-makers in ASEAN really take the norm seriously.

    In light of the events surrounding the Rohingyas from 2012 onwards, these three claims have been examined. The incrementalist view on R2P, supported by various ASEAN documents, seems to have gained ground. The ASEAN foreign ministers’ retreat meeting on December 2016 paved the way for ASEAN’s pragmatic application of R2P principle, without embarrassing Myanmar by directly alluding to the R2P. This article concludes that the gap between the non-interference principle and the humanitarian norm appears to be narrowing in the case of Myanmar’s Rohingya issues.

  • 奥薗 秀樹
    国際政治
    2001年 2001 巻 126 号 65-80,L11
    発行日: 2001/02/23
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Since the outbreak of the Korean War, South Korean government had heavily depended on the U. S. government for their military and economic security as a frontline state during the Cold War. Park Chung Hee and his Revolutionary Government, which emerged as a bearer of Korean nationalism through the 1961 military coup d'état, faced a difficult question: how to strike a balance between its self-reliance as an independent nation and excessive dependence on the U. S. government as a junior partner within the Cold War regime. The purpose of this paper is to examine how Park and his government struggled for Korean self-reliance while avoiding total dependence on the U. S.. To this end this paper focuses on the following three points.
    First, this paper examines Korean nationalism as a causal element of the 1961 Coup and an ideological basis of the Revolutionary Government there-after. Analysis of remarks which Park and the graduates of the Korean Military Academy, the main actors of the Revolutionary Government, made before and immediately after the coup, shows that their independence-orientedness and distrust of the big powers became the keynote when they formulated its foreign policy, at least for some time.
    Second, this paper examines how the Park Administration's perception of the U. S. at the beginning and how the perception transformed as time went on. The Revolutionary Government, in spite of their distrust of the U. S. government, came to conclude that the presence of the U. S. Forces in Korea and their economic assistance were important for preserving Korean independence amid the Cold War conflict. Because of the dilemma they faced, Park and his government had to re-define the balance between its self-reliance as an independent nation and dependence on the U. S. in terms of the reality surrounded them.
    Finally, this paper examines actual policy steps which the Park Administration took as attempts to achieve Korean self-reliance. Among them, the Revolutionary Government regarded, as the most important steps, its developments in social-economic dimension and improvements of people's everyday life in addition to the build-up of its military power and completing of anti-communism. However, Park's attempts to achieve these things by itself reached a dead end after a while and they realized there was no way other than “temporary dependence” on the U. S. to preserve Korean independence.
    In the end, Park's struggle for self-reliance resulted in “temporary dependence” on the U. S. However, we have to notice that Park's quest for self-reliance did not end in spite of the acceptance of “temporary dependence.” His endeavour at acquiring Korean self-reliance carried on at all occasions and with his full energy. In this sense, the “temporary dependence” was literally temporal and did not mean “overall dependence” or “subordination” to the U. S. government.
  • 宇城 輝人
    フォーラム現代社会学
    2015年 14 巻 54-63
    発行日: 2015/06/25
    公開日: 2017/09/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    本稿は、反レイシズムのありようが第2次大戦後に大きく変化したことをふまえ、その戦後反レイシズムの特質を理解するために、歴史的起源にさかのぼって、その政治的・理論的な含意を考察する。ふたつの対象の検討を試みる。第1に、戦後反レイシズムの強い動機となったナチズムに対抗する3つの対抗運動の試みを紹介し、その特質を考察する。(1)イグナツ・ゾルシャンの反レイシズム・ネットワークとシオニズム。(2)フランツ・ボアズが主導した「科学者たちの宣言」をきっかけに広がったアメリカの大学人世界と学会による公式見解を表明する運動。(3)左派の遺伝学者たちが優生学の立場からナチズムを批判した「遺伝学者たちの宣言」。第2に、戦後まもなくユネスコが開始した反レイシズム・キャンペーンの出発点であるふたつの声明(1950年、1951年)について考察する。そこには、人種の概念の大きな転換と、それに連動して人間集団にかかわる差異についての考えかたの変化があり、それが戦後反レイシズムの核をなしていることが理解される。戦後反レイシズムは、「人間と人間集団の差異を肯定するための普遍性」を支えるメタ政治的な制度として特徴づけることができる。そのような差異を肯定する普遍的なメタ政治への懐疑あるいは挑戦、その制度化されたメタ政治の綻びという視点から、現代のレイシズムを捉えることができるのではないか。
  • 風間 計博
    文化人類学
    2016年 81 巻 3 号 450-465
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2018/02/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • パトリシア・シェハン・キャンベル, カレン・ハワード, マシユー・スワンソン, 今田 匡彦
    音楽教育学
    2012年 42 巻 1 号 15-23
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2017/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
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