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  • 丹羽 謙治
    日本文学
    1995年 44 巻 11 号 80-83
    発行日: 1995/11/10
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 筒井 末春
    人間総合科学会誌
    2005年 1 巻 1 号 9-13
    発行日: 2005年
    公開日: 2006/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 安野 彰
    生活学論叢
    2011年 19 巻 52-54
    発行日: 2011/09/30
    公開日: 2021/03/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 女性とすまい研究会, 村上 美奈子, 小川 信子, 渡邉 喜代美, 中村 直美, 小谷部 育子, 宮本 伸子, 寺本 晰子, Sekiko TERAMOTO
    生活学論叢
    2011年 19 巻 43-48
    発行日: 2011/09/30
    公開日: 2021/03/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 湯田 豊
    印度學佛教學研究
    1985年 34 巻 1 号 311-318
    発行日: 1985/12/25
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―大革命以後から現代までのメニューの簡素化の変遷を含めて―
    大竹 伸郎
    調理科学
    1993年 26 巻 1 号 63-67
    発行日: 1993/02/20
    公開日: 2013/04/26
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 現場指示と文脈指示の間
    江澤 照美
    HISPANICA / HISPÁNICA
    1994年 1994 巻 38 号 1-13
    発行日: 1994/12/01
    公開日: 2010/06/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    Tanto el español como el japonés tienen tres tipos de demostrativos, pero su uso es diferente en ambas lenguas. Al sacar los ejemplos de demostrativos de las novelas escritas en españoly japones. nos hemos dado cuenta de que su diferencia de uso es marcada en el señalamiento neutral entre la deixis ‘ad oculos’ y la anafora. Este tiene dos clases de señalamiento: la catafora, y el señalamiento al objeto ausente en que esta incluida la llamada ‘deixis de la fantasia’. Todos los señalamientos neutrales son los siguientes: <EL señalamiento A LOS OBJETOS AUSENTES>
    1. EL señalamiento AL OBJETO QUE ACABA DE DESAPARECER [-contexto] [+compartido] [+imagen] ESP. -este, ese; JAP. -a-
    2. EL señalamiento AL OBJETO AUSENTE HACE TIEMPO [-contexto] [+compartido] [-imagen] ESP. -ese, aquel; JAP. -a-
    3. EL SEÑALAMIENTO ‘ABSOLUTO’ A POSICION Y TIEMPO [-contexto] [+compartido] [+situacion] ESP. -este, ese, aquel (?); JAP. -ko-, so- ‹CATAFORA›
    4. EL SEÑALAMIENTO AL OBJETO QUE EL HABLANTE INTRODUCE DE NUEVO [-contexto] [-compartido] ESP. -este, ese; JAP. -ko-, so-
  • ――ドキュメンタリー映画『阿媽の秘密』『葦の歌』を中心に
    三澤 真美恵
    中国語中国文化
    2022年 2022 巻 19 号 101-153
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2022/03/30
    研究報告書・技術報告書 オープンアクセス
  • 「1930年代フランス映画作家」について
    新田 孝行
    映画研究
    2014年 9 巻 4-20
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2017/12/25
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • ――米国はなぜ、基地を得るために領土を支配しなかったのか――
    坂口 大作
    国際安全保障
    2014年 42 巻 3 号 1-15
    発行日: 2014/12/31
    公開日: 2022/04/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 同潤会大塚女子アパート
    影山 穂波
    人文地理
    2000年 52 巻 4 号 321-340
    発行日: 2000/08/28
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    In 1930, the Japanese government first began providing housing for working women. A branch of the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Dojunkai, was organized as a government-assisted association for the supply of public housing. The main purpose of the Dojunkai was to provide housing for the victimes of the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923. One of the Dojunkai apartment house, the Otsuka joshi apartment house was developed for the express purpose of supporting the many women who had left their families in order to work outside the home. Western feminist geographers have argued that residential living spaces can reinforce gender inequalities. The research presented here supports these claims and takes them a step further: by constructing the gendered residential facility, I argue that the Japanese state acted as a classic patriarchal institution, subordinating these economically independent women through its control of residential space. In essence, the state-as-landlord represented a surrogate father to these single women. These power relations within the private residence function as the basis of the ordering of daily life and thus this study of the Otsuka joshi apartment house provides a unique opportunity to examine how the state permeates the lives of Japanese women.
    This research project examines the experiences of long-term residents of the Otsuka joshi apartment house in the context of the social and economic transformation which Japan was undergoing in the 1930s. Between 1920 and 1930, the number of working women nearly doubled (from 1, 370, 000 to 2, 260, 000 women). While most of these women continued to live in the family home, the lifestyles of working women changed dramatically and some women lived apart from their families. In response, the Dojunkai built the women's housing unit.
    Methodologically, the project includes interviews and archival research. In-depth interviews with the residents of the Otsuka joshi apartment house who have remained there since the 1930s were conducted (3 out of 8 remaining residents, interviewed periodically from 1995 to the present). The narratives of these women are explored in the context of the broader historical changes affecting their lives in the prewar and war-time periods. In addition, these women's narratives are supplemented by a survey of articles in Fujin Koron, a popular magazine, that featured the Otsuka joshi apartment house. The second part of the paper focuses on the lifestyle of these early working women, while part 3 investigates why and how the Dojunkai promoted a gendered residential facility and how residents lived there.
    On the whole, the female residents of the Otsuka joshi apartment house were happy to reside in this relatively expensive facility. In general, the public perception also appears to have been favorable. The house was complete with all the current amenities, including a greenhouse, music room and an in-house restaurant (residents were not allowed to cook in their rooms). Given that the facility was constructed in a district with a high population of teachers (19.4% of the total population, of which 19.09% were women), it is likely that the facility was built to house single female teachers. Moreover, the monthly income, over 50 yen, was rather high. Only women teachers and a few other professionals, then, would have been able to afford such accommodation. In addition to teachers, local bureaucrats, professional musicians and nurses also lived in the Otsuka joshi apartments.
    While the in-depth interviews (part 4, sections 1 and 2) confirm that these women were content with the level of independence and security that they enjoyed, Otsuka joshi residents had to conform to the strict controls of their state landlord. For example, the entrance of men into the facility was strictly monitored and a curfew was enforced by 11 o'clock each evening.
  • 橋本 順光
    英米文化
    2004年 34 巻 107-126
    発行日: 2004/03/31
    公開日: 2017/06/20
    ジャーナル フリー
    Niall Ferguson's book, Empire: How Britain Mede the Modern World (2003) has recently drawn attention. It was based on the namesake TV series (2003) on Britain's Channel 4, highlighting the history of British expansion from its beginning in the 17th century to the devolutions of the 20th century. Ferguson attempts to demonstrate that the British Empire was "a good thing" in spite of its slave trade and ethnic cleansing in the 18th century. He claims that its globalization with gunboats brought democracy and the free market to the world. This, he states, is definitely better than what the evil empires. Germany and Japan, might have done. Contrasting British differences with the evil empires, Empire emphasises the continuity from the British Empire to America, "empire m denial" and suggests that America should "take up the White Man's Burden" to propagate the "Anglo-balization" across the world thoroughly. This paper will put Empire in the context of the UK in 2002-3 when the term "imperialism" was recycled by the so-called "New Imperialists" during the Iraqi crisis while British imperial consciousness was refashioned by the controversy over its colonial past. On this point, Niall Ferguson has played a key role in the following movements: firstly, revision of the British Empire as a beneficial agent of globalization, and secondly, incorporation of Empire history as a GCSE subject. Taking into consideration Ferguson's articles, this paper suggests that he should be a historian counterpart of Robert Cooper, Blair's diplomacy guru. In this sense, Ferguson's academic and journalistic propaganda of new imperialism has a similar purpose as Cooper's strategy concerning Britain's international presence, standing on the shoulders of a giant, not shoulder to shoulder. Almost a century ago when America rose while the British Empire began to decline, Rudyard Kipling emphasised the British blood bondage to America in his "White Man's Burden" (1899). Ferguson's Empire may turn out to be a White Man's Burden for the 2lst century.
  • 都市住宅学
    2003年 2003 巻 40 号 93-100
    発行日: 2003/01/31
    公開日: 2012/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 東南アジア史学会編集委員会
    東南アジア -歴史と文化-
    1997年 1997 巻 26 号 155-186
    発行日: 1997/06/01
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • エスニシティとEU
    梶田 孝道
    国際政治
    1995年 1995 巻 110 号 1-22,L5
    発行日: 1995/10/21
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The rights of foreigners, including their right to vote in local elections, are expanding in the European Union as the integration of Europe not only allows people to freely travel across the borders in the region but also has brought about the new legal concept of European citizenship.
    Western Europe, however, has experienced an inflow and settlement of Asian and African immigrants and faces a serious problem concerning their social, economic and political rights. The purpose of this article is to explain the current status of the right of foreigners to vote in local elections in Western Europe and to generalize over the issue by comparing Western European countries with each other.
    The current status of suffrage of foreigners in local elections in Western Europe will be briefly discussed. The countries which have granted foreigners the right to vote in local elections include Sweden, Norway, Denmark and the Netherlands. The remains of colonialism can be seen in the United Kingdom's approach to the issue, because the country has vested citizenship and suffrage to people from the Commonwealth of Nations. Ireland has also granted foreigners the right to vote, while the country decides whether it grants foreigners suffrage based on the historical relations between the United Kingdom and the countries the foreigners are from. The suffrage of foreigners has not yet been granted in France and Germany which have attracted many foreign workers, of whom Asian and African immigrants and Muslims account for a large percentage, although the issue has aroused much controversy in the two countries. These examples clearly indicate that the situations surrounding each country affect its approach to the issue of the right of foreigners to vote in a subtle way.
    We will next examine a group of factors which enable countries to grant foreigners the right to vote and a group of factors which prevent them from doing so. The former group of factors includes the history of granting foreigners suffrage in a certain region, such as North Europe, a close relation between the former colonies and suzerains, the diplomatic policy of the country concerned (e. g. Sweden), free trade and the openness of the country. The latter group includes the ideology of a strong nation state (e. g. France), strong nationality (e. g. Germany), the ratio of foreigners to total population, a large cultural and religious distance between society which foreigners come from and society which accepts them (e. g. France and Germany) and the existence of a strong anti-foreigner movement.
    Next, the logic behind granting the suffrage to foreigners and the logic against it will be discussed, and based on this discussion, the reasons why some countries have granted foreigners the right to vote and why others have not will be examined. The experiences in Western Europe could offer many suggestions to Japan which is facing the problem of whether to grant foreigners the right to vote in local elections. The problem of the suffrage of foreigners tends to be discussed at the level of norms, and there is little discussion on the matter from a positive point of view, such as how foreigners will be granted the right to vote and how heavy their turnout will be. Japan will be able to learn many things from experiences of Western Europe concerning this problem.
  • 伊藤 太一, 花谷 泰広, 熊倉 基之, 久末 弥生, 太田 昌志
    日本不動産学会誌
    2022年 35 巻 4 号 8-24
    発行日: 2022/03/29
    公開日: 2023/03/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 経済的ナショナリズムと自由貿易主義国際平和論との相克
    松永 友有
    経済学史研究
    2020年 62 巻 1 号 26-50
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2020/10/16
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    John Maynard Keynes is known to have frequently changed his opinion on free trade and protection. There have been two contrasting interpretations of Keynes’s thought on the external economic policy, with one considering him essentially a free trader and the other finding him a protectionist. This article elucidates an original coherent explanation for Keynes’s ambiguous thinking on Britain’s external economic policy by observing the contradictory coexistence of economic nationalism and pacifist free-trade ideology among the New Liberals (left-leaning Liberals), of whom he was one. Since the 19th century, Britain had a peculiar political tradition in that the proposal of a protectionist policy almost entirely came from the political right, whereas the political left monolithically supported unconditional free trade under the influence of Richard Cobden’s idealistic internationalism. New Liberals, such as J.A. Hobson and Keynes, were sympathetic to the vision of a balanced national economy in which the manufacturing, rather than the financial sector, played a central role. In this sense, New Liberals had much in common with the historical economists, such as William Cunningham and William Ashley, who supported the Conservative Party’s protectionist campaign. Both Hobson’s theory of underconsumption and Keynes’s theory of effective demand emphasized the importance of domestic, rather than foreign markets. This meant that the New Liberals’ economic thinking was essentially more congruent with a protectionist policy to safeguard domestic manufacturing industries than free trade. Nevertheless, the New Liberals found it extremely difficult to support a protectionist policy because of protectionism’s strong association with right-wing politics in Britain and its incommensurability with their belief in a pacifist free-trade ideology. This dilemma formed the backdrop of Keynes’s allegedly inconsistent attitudes on the external economic policy of his time. JEL classification numbers: B10, B20, B27.
  • 史学雑誌
    1997年 106 巻 2 号 280-317
    発行日: 1997/02/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 科学史研究
    1990年 29 巻 176 号 237-253
    発行日: 1990年
    公開日: 2021/08/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ——2001年論争以前
    三澤 真美恵
    中国語中国文化
    2021年 2021 巻 18 号 19-64
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2021/03/31
    研究報告書・技術報告書 オープンアクセス
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