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  • 近世村落構造の研究 第6報
    淺香 幸雄
    地理学評論
    1951年 24 巻 7 号 231-245
    発行日: 1951/07/01
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
    I According to the data from Shulnon-ninbetsu-cho(1) and other records the auther found out following conclusions:
    (A) In the middle period of Tokugawa Era, inspiet of the increase of population and family numbers farmers belonging to the semi-slavery class in rural villages freed themselves from the land lords and their number decreased remaraably.
    (B) In the later period, we can see the population still increasing while the rate of increase was less than the preceding period. The analysis of social construction of population also leads us to almost analogous conclusions.
    (C) The anther compared the population of this comnlumity in the later period with that of its neighbour, the community of Hirokawa, of which he had reported already. The conclusions are summarized as follows:
    a) Before 1850, the ratio of increase is larger in this community than in the. latter (Hirokawa) where the population was rather stagnant.
    b) After 1850, however, the relation was inverted. Population increase of Hirokawa, thence-forward, became exceeding rapid.
    Thus. their tendencies are different, in terms of both time and area.
    II Its cause and significance.
    (A) The middle and later period, compared to the early, are stagnant, in which the social economy, became clogged: e. g. the reparation of the irrigation canals, vitally important to rice culture, was transferred into the hand of the community itself, from that of Bakufu, the feudal government, and increased labour from rural, community was absorbedd by public transportation service that was torceod upon them. These tests resulted to weaken the economic foundation of rural community.
    (B) The reason why the ratio of population-change are different from each other.
    a) Difference was seen in the development of productivity, which is seen from. Kokudaka(2) (The rate of encrease, 1685-1870, was 130.5%: 105.0%).
    b) At Kitakaname, the cultivated area is consisted. of paddy and upland fiefds, while at Hirokawa 70.3% of it is occupied by paddy field.
    c) Upland fieds became more and more profitable as the time went on. In. 1665, the ratio of yields from upland fields and paddy fields was 54:100, in 1870 it was 80:100. As a result predominance of the formerr to the latter in the profits from. their farms in the earlier period was lessened in the later period.
    (C) a) In order to find the cause of the differences in the tendencies of population-change between the years before and after 1850, the deviations of the crop were examined. At Kitakaname the years of good harvest continued before 1850, and years of poorr harvest are. often seen after 1850. The. reverse is true with Hirokawa. It is. obvious that differences in the tendencies of population-change are closely concerned in the deviations of crops of both of those communities.
    b) Why are there such remarkable differences in crops between these two periods in the adjoining communities ? To some degrees, it seems that the reconstruction of the river banks was its cause. Yet in terms of micro-topography, that of Kitakaname is of fan-like delta, while that of Hirokawa is of genuine fan. Both of them are close to the rivers, and easy to get water supply. But at Kitakanazne, the crops of paddy fields are good those of upland fields bad, in the years of drought, and in the years of. excessive rain, the crops of upland fields are, good, while those of paddy fields are bad. At Hirokawa, on the other hand, both paddy and upland fields were damaged, in the years of drought. It is supposed that it stayed droughty for several years before 1850. (particularly during the years of Tenpo), hence the increase of population.
    Note (1) Shumon-nimbetsu-cho: The Book in which the religions of each individual person were described.
    (2) Kokudaka: Agricultural producing power of the farm. represented by the quantity of rice crop.
  • 宇田川 大介
    日本国際観光学会論文集
    2012年 19 巻 71-76
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2019/04/03
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this presentation is to suggest a means of utilizing place names for attracting tourists. In the presentation, the actual problems such as "place names have never been used for tourism and are unknown" and "no local interest for the tourist industry" will be addressed and solutions will be suggested, using Ohne in Hadano (Kanagawa) as an example.
  • 鈴木 道郎
    地理学評論
    1966年 39 巻 10 号 656-664
    発行日: 1966/10/01
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
    明治時代に入り,江戸時代に続いた将軍家の保護を失い,神仏分離,排仏毀釈など宗教上の変革に会った相模大山の御師は,檀家を失って,生活の経済的基盤をも失った.
    大山の有力な御師村山家の古い記録を調査してみると,明治時代前半には,御師本来の宗教活動の記録が殆ど無く,各種の非宗教的営利事業に従した資料ぼかりである.しかし後半に入ると,ほとんどが宗教活動の記録となる.資料を中心とし,これに聴取りをあわせて分ることは,当時は宗教活動では暮しが成立たなかったため,酒・荒物・履物・茶・水油などの小売・質屋・無尽・売薬行商・種豚飼育・養蚕・煙草小売など多岐にわたる非宗教的経済活動が行なわれていたことである.また町役場,学校に勤め俸給生活者に変る者も居た.宗教活動を続ける御師は,檀家を尋ねるにも土産に事欠き,現在なら100円位の物を土産とするのに,わずかな付木を持参して細々と生活を続けなければならなかった.
  • 2. 1670 (寛文10) 年の幻の相模地震について
    石橋 克彦
    地震 第2輯
    1997年 50 巻 3 号 345-347
    発行日: 1997/12/12
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 東海道保土谷宿南接永田の場合
    浅香 幸雄
    人文地理
    1956年 8 巻 4 号 245-265,322
    発行日: 1956/10/30
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    According to the data from Shumon-ninbetsu-cho (1663-1870 A.D.) and other records, the author found out the following conclusions:
    1. In the former, middle and the first half of the later pariod (from the latter half of 17C. to the end of 18c.) the increase and decrease of population and the number of families had run parallel to that of the crop from paddy field. It indicates that the economic life of villagers had depended solely on the income from their cultivated land.
    2. However, in latter half of the later perod (the first half of 19C.) population and the number of families both had gradually increased, and the difference between the upper and the lower class in their patterns of family component had been diminished. It is due to the fhe fact that additional income favored the people in lower class, such as servants, inn-maids, porters etc., by earning side-live in the inn-town. Because, during this period this comunity had become a local center of commerce and handicraft deside of an inn-town on the Highway.
    3. This is a case where a village happened to lie along a highway, and in other villages being aside from highways the said trend appears far later.
    Note (1) Shumon-ninbetsu-cho: The book in which religion of each individual or of family and territorial property owned have been registerred.
  • 地学雑誌
    1893年 5 巻 7 号 368d
    発行日: 1893/07/25
    公開日: 2010/12/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 地学雑誌
    1893年 5 巻 7 号 368c
    発行日: 1893/07/25
    公開日: 2010/12/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 地学雑誌
    1893年 5 巻 7 号 368b
    発行日: 1893/07/25
    公開日: 2010/12/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 地学雑誌
    1893年 5 巻 7 号 368a
    発行日: 1893/07/25
    公開日: 2010/12/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 地学雑誌
    1893年 5 巻 7 号 368
    発行日: 1893/07/25
    公開日: 2010/12/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 阿部 隆
    人口学研究
    1994年 17 巻 82-
    発行日: 1994/05/31
    公開日: 2017/09/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 五十嵐 寧史, 山口 直人
    人口学研究
    1994年 17 巻 82-
    発行日: 1994/05/31
    公開日: 2017/09/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 大塚 友美
    人口学研究
    1994年 17 巻 82-
    発行日: 1994/05/31
    公開日: 2017/09/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 秋山 光條
    東京人類學會報告
    1887年 2 巻 16 号 234-235
    発行日: 1887年
    公開日: 2011/02/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 大栗 行昭
    歴史と経済
    2015年 57 巻 4 号 1-17
    発行日: 2015/07/30
    公開日: 2017/08/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Previous studies on the history of landlordism in Japan have examined whether moneylending by landlords was a cause of land accumulation; however, few studies have discussed the characteristics of moneylending. In particular, little attention has been given to the form of collateral, and examinations of the consequences of moneylending remain insufficient. This study examines the characteristics of moneylending by landlords and its consequences in the Meiji era (1868-1912). It focuses on the more than 4,000 loands that the Ishii family in Kanagawa Prefecture provided during the Meiji era. The conclusions are as follows: Major methods of moneylending by landlords included collateral-free loans, land mortgages, and pledges, the order of which represents from shorter term, smaller amount, lower interest and less complicated procedures to longer, larger, higher and more complicated. In addition to the methods stated above, those who were in need of money chose a method of borrowing from the methods such as the land repurchasing, which is employed to regain possession of land offered as collateral and irrevocable contention sale of land. The repayment rate by borrowers who obtained loans from the Ishii family (the annual interest rates ranged between 13% and 16%) until 1909, the 42nd year of the Meiji era, was 62% for collateral-free loans, 50% for land mortages, and 30% for pledges. Non-performing loans were settled using several methods. Collateral-free loans were repaid by mortgaging, pledging, or selling lands. Under the mortgage system, land was redirected to financing with other forms collateral; principal and interest were redirected to other collateral or collateral-free loans; or land was foreclosed for sale. As a result, the above-mentioned ascending order also became the route that borrowers who failed to repay their debt followed. The rate of non-performing loans that led to land sales was 20% for collateral-free loans, 28% for land mortgages, and 56% for pledges. With regard to loans in the 1880s, the early second decade of the Meiji era, the rates were even higher at 50%, 44%, and 67%, respectively. Thus, moneylending by landlords during this period played a role as a means of acqiring the lands of many farmers; nevertheless, the farm economy came to adapt to this system in the following decade.
  • 東京人類學會報告
    1887年 2 巻 16 号 233a-234
    発行日: 1887年
    公開日: 2011/02/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 久留島 浩
    史学雑誌
    1997年 106 巻 11 号 2026-2029
    発行日: 1997/11/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 茂田 孝
    地理学評論
    1959年 32 巻 2 号 91-97
    発行日: 1959/02/01
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
    Intending to clarify the internal structure of villages at the later part of Tokugawa period, those villages situated along the Yagurazawa-Oukan are examined in this study. The Yagurazawa-Oukan is the name of a byway used and developedd at the later part of Tokugawa period mainly for the economic activities of local people, whil ehighways at the same period, such as Tôkaidô highway, were used and developed mainly for military and political purposes:
    The Yagurazawa-Outran crosses through Central Sagami from east to west, starting from Fdo Akasaka and passes through Mizonokuchi, Ebinakokubu, Atsugi, Hatano, Gotemba, and finally meets the Tôkaidô highway at Yoshiwara. In this study, the author selected the major part of the data from Jinshin Koseki (“census register obtained in 1864”) and obtained the statistical figures through the analysis of the data in accordance with indices established. The indices are listed as follows;
    (1) average number of person per family. (2) rate of married people. (3) rate of stable family (a family having two or more person of 16_??_60 years old) (4) average number of working person per family (a working person here defined as lineal person of 21_??_60 years old). (5) average number of children per family.
    The author also classified all the families of a village into three classes (such as, upper, middle and lower) according to Kokudaka (“size of land required to produce a Koku of rice or its equivalant products.”) each family possessed. From the data thus accumulated, the auther tried to identify the mutual relation between the structure of a village and the degree of land dependence of a village. The results of this study may de summarized briefly as follows;
    1. Two patterns are observed in the statistical charts prepared to show the numbers of families according to the stratum of Kokudaka possessed. In one of the patterns., rather small differences are represented among the levels of three classes, while the other patterns indicates remarkable `differences. In other words, the latter patterns indicates that the majority of families in a village are divided into almost two part, either into the upper class or into the lower strata showing real small numbers of families in the middle class.
    2. It_ is also observed that stability of the family structure of a village are affected in proportion to the Kokudaka possessed by each family. In some agricultural villages, statistical figures for the respective indices show that there are wide differences between the upper and the lower classes in any one of the indices. It is further represented that the basis of villagers' livelihood depend on land in pro portion to the size of land possessed. Meanwhile in some “town type” villages show low degree of land dependence and the character of the village structure of those villages were changed gradually into so called “city type” structure.
    3. In considering the degree of land dependence from the view point of locality of villages, it, is observed that mountain villages, fishing villages, and post towns in the south and north-west part of Central Sagami represents low degree of land dependence in general. Meanwhile those agricultural. villages in the plain part of Central Sagami indicates rather high degree of land dependence. Among these, some located in rice field area show much higher degree of land dependence in comparison with others in the dry-land area. This means partly that the degree of land dependence of a village it determined in proportion to the Kokudaka of the village.
  • 遠藤 基郎
    史学雑誌
    1997年 106 巻 11 号 2025-2026
    発行日: 1997/11/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 川口 洋
    人口学研究
    1994年 17 巻 82-83
    発行日: 1994/05/31
    公開日: 2017/09/12
    ジャーナル フリー
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