本稿では、名詞「模様」が文末に位置して助動詞相当の形式として機能する用法について、その成立から定着に至るまでの歴史的展開を考察した。「模様だ」自体は明治期の新聞に出現しており、大正から昭和初期にかけて継続的に用例を見出せる。記事文体の口語化に伴って1920年代に「模様あり」という形態が衰退すると文末用法への偏りが著しくなり、これによって文末形式として「模様だ」が定着したと言える。ただし「模様」の前接要素の点から見ると未だ現代語と同様の特徴を獲得したとは言えず、助動詞化が進んだのはそれ以降と考えられる。こうした「模様だ」の成立は名詞性の捨象による通時的変化と捉えることができ、更にヨウダの構造変化との類似点および「様子だ」との関係性についても指摘した。

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The codes relating to prefectural (fuken 府県) and county (gun 郡) districting systems were first promulgated in 1890 by the Meiji Government, under the initiative of YAMAGATA Aritomo, and aimed at eliminating the influence of political parties on local self-governance. In response, the political parties demanded that the government revise the two codes in order to expand suffrage in the name of decentralization. In every session of the Diet from the 1^<st> to the 10^<th>, the parties submitted bills to revise the articles pertaining to centralization. This article attempts to clarify how the government and the political parties reached a compromise about the code revisions during the 13^<th> session of the Diet through an analysis of the debate over revision during the previous sessions. The research to date on the extensive revisions made in 1899 is divided between two points of view. Ito Yukio has concluded that the revisions are symbolic of the democratization that took place in local autonomy during the Meiji era, because they eliminated the articles regarding both indirect elections (fukusen-ho 複選法) of the prefectural and county assemblies and the voting rights of privileged landowners in each county. On the other hand Takagi Shosaku is of the opinion that the revisions seriously damaged the interests of the political parties because they included several articles reinforcing the supervisory powers of the Minister of the Home Affairs and the prefectural governors. Concerning these two differing points of view, the author of this article argues that both are too simple and too exaggerated. While it may be true that the revision brought a modicum of democratization in local governance, the prefectural assembly elections soon after the revisions reveal that a large number political party members were elected and were able to wield a good deal of influence on local self-governance, in the same way that as their cohorts active in the central government.

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In this paper, the author analyzes how the Liberal Party (自由党) and the Constitutional Reform Party (立憲改進党) changed their position on the gun system (郡制) ; from mere reform to abolitionism and how abolitionism was accepted in local politics. The two parties submitted the gun system reform bills to every session of the Imperial Diet. They argued that the chief gun executives (guncho 郡長) should be publicly elected and that in the gun assembly elections, indirect election and the favorable system for landlords should be abolished. However, the goverment rejected them. To pass the bill, the Liberal Party deleted the provision for publicly-elected guncho, and in compensation,demanded that the restrictions on appointing guncho should be loosened. The Progressive Party 進歩党, the former Constitutional Reform Party, also followed the same line, and the reform bill passed the House of Peers in 1899. After the proclamation of the gun revisions, however, the Ministry for Home Affairs would not loosen the restrictions on appointing guncho, and the members of the House of Representatives became interested in readjusting administration and the finances rather than having a share in gun organization. The parties then began to argue for the promotion of autonomy for towns and villages, not gun. In local politics, because the gun revisions had abolished indirect elections, the gun assembly elections were separated from the prefectural assembly elections, and the voting rate of the former dropped lower and lower. From a fiscal point of view, the resources for gun often preceded those of towns and villages. Thus the gun system grew apathetic towards gun autonomy and the abolition of the system was not a question of vital importance for local politics.

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