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  • 日本釀造協會雜誌
    1922年 17 巻 8 号 47
    発行日: 1922年
    公開日: 2011/11/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本透析療法学会雑誌
    1986年 19 巻 6 号 642-646
    発行日: 1986/06/28
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 落合 友一
    日本医科大学雑誌
    1988年 55 巻 1 号 82-88
    発行日: 1988/02/15
    公開日: 2009/12/04
    ジャーナル フリー
    Changes in the amount of urinal protein and β2-microglobulin (β2-MG) were observed after middle distance running in 46 primary school boys and 46 junior high school boys, aged from 6 to 14 years old.
    The running distance was varied according to their age, 800m for boys aged from 6 to 7-year-olds, 1, 200m for 8 to 9-year-olds, 1, 700m for 10 to 11-year-olds and 1, 500m for 12 to 14-year-olds.
    Urine was collected from each subject before and 30min after running, and its total urinal protein was analyzed by the Lowry method and β2-MG by the reverse passive hemaggulutination method.
    In the primary school boys at rest, total urinal protein was 16.8mg/dl and β2-MG 5.69μg/dl, while 39.3mg/dl and 133.22μg/dl, respectively, at 30min after running. In the junior high school boys at rest, they were 18.9mg/dl and 4.32μg/dl, respectively, and 78.3mg/dl and 662.98μg/dl, respectively, at 30min after running. Other urinal protein, which did not have its origin in blood plasma, was calculated before and 30min after running utilizing the results of Poortmans' research (1968), and no change was observed in the concentration before and after running. Therefore the increase in urinal protein after exercise would seem to have originated mainly from blood plasma.
    β2-MG increased not only its quantity in the urine (see above) but also its ratio in the urinal protein (7 to 80 times larger after running than before). There results indecate that permiability in the glomerulus and absorption in the proximal tubule changed as regards low molecular protein.
    By multiple regression analysis it was revealed that urinal protein at 30min after running was significantly correlated to weight, running time and concentration of urinal protein at rest of the subject. The contribution rate was from 60.02 to 74.59% in each aged group. It was found that there was a positive correlation between weight and concentration of urine protein at rest, but a negative correlation between running time and the concentration at 30min after running.
  • ―Daunomycin ratsは慢性腎不全の実験モデルとなりうるか?―
    清水 潔, 前田 憲志, 柴田 昌雄, 伊勢 道仁, 菅野 三喜男, 上原 康夫
    日本腎臓学会誌
    1990年 32 巻 2 号 137-145
    発行日: 1990年
    公開日: 2010/07/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    We have previously reported that daunomycin rats can be used as an experimental model of chronic renal failure. We have since studied whether the result were reproducible by repeating the experiment. In this experiment we used larger numbers of rats and many more parameters of investigation compared with the previous experiment. The period of observation was extended to 42 weeks. Twenty-one female Wistar rats were given an injection of 12 mg/Kg of daunomycin into the jugular vein by the one-shot method. Ten control rats were injected with physiological saline. Eighteen daunomycin rats developed chronic renal failure within the observation period. Renal failure was confirmed by the levels of BUN and creatinine, the uremic peak 2a and the pathological findings. One rat died from a tumor and another rat died from thrombosis of the descending aorta. In only one rat was not at the level defined as chronic renal failure, although it was impaired even in this case. There was a correlation between the lifespan of the daunomycin rats and the amount of urine protein at 4 weeks. Rats with heavy proteinuria at 4 weeks died of uremia at an early age. There was a variety of evidence of daunomycin damage when rats were autopsied, not only in the renal glomeruli but also in the pancreas, liver and spleen. Some parts of the pancreas and liver showed vacuolated cells. We supposed that these various changes of many internal organs of daunomycin rats were secondary changes for chronic renal failure. We reconfirmed that daunomycin rats can be used as an experimental model of chronic renal failure.
  • 藤井 昇三
    国際政治
    1967年 1967 巻 33 号 95-98
    発行日: 1967/06/01
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 清水 潔, 岸 常, 大鷹 正彦, 山本 順之佑, 柴田 昌雄, 伴 一郎, 酒井 宏, 小林 快三
    日本腎臓学会誌
    1982年 24 巻 11 号 1233-1241
    発行日: 1982/11/25
    公開日: 2010/07/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    We had administered urokinase (U.K.) to the patients of nephrotic syndrome (N.S.) for two weeks with a daily dosage of 60, 000 international units in 1979. In spite of two weeks administration of U.K., there had been no change in the urine protein contents and the renal function, but the fibrinogen and serum FDP levels had been improved. From the results of these observations, it was doubtful to us whether the amount of U.K, adminic stered would be proper or not, for fibrinolytic therapy of N.S.. Then we measured. U.K. Lysis Time by the thromboelastograph (TEG) in order to determine the most suitable amount of U.K, for fibrinolytic therapy of N.S.. The results were as follows ;1) The K of TEG became shorter and the ma of TEG became larger in the case of patients of N.S. and renal failure compared with normal.2) When 70u/ml or 100u/ml of U.K. was added to the plasma in vitro, in each case, larger ma of TEG in N.S. was observed compared with in normal.3) The U.K. Lysis Time in the case of the patients of N.S. was prolonged compared with in the case of renal failure and normal people.4) When 100u/ml U.K. was added to the plasma in vitro, any change of fibrinolytis in TEG was not observed among several patients of N.S..5) When U.K. was added to the plasma in vitro, the dissociation between antigen and activity, wasobserved, as to the reduction of α2-plasmin inhibitor.6) When 100u/ml of U.K. was added to the plasma in vitro, reduction percentage of α2-plasmin inhibitor activity was 45% in the case of N.S. and was 5% in normal.7) These observations suggest that the amount of U.K. with daily dosage of 60, 000 units was not enough for fibrinolytic therapy for the patients of N.S..8) The U.K. Lysis Time by TEG seems to be a good marker of fibrinolytic therapy for the patients of N.S..
  • 日本外交史研究 昭和時代
    大畑 篤四郎
    国際政治
    1960年 1960 巻 11 号 138-148
    発行日: 1960/01/31
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 第二次大戦前夜-1939年夏の国際関係-
    福田 茂夫, 義井 博
    国際政治
    1982年 1982 巻 72 号 85-101,L9
    発行日: 1982/10/23
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    There is no evidence to show that the United States played any important role in the outbreak of the Second European War in 1939. There has been a hot controversy raged on the question of the “role”, however, in the United States between orthodox historians (conventionalists) and revisionists, just like the similar controversy over the problem of Japan's Pearl Harbor Attack or that of the Yalta agreements. The point in dispute is how to interpret the two faces of American foreign policy toward Europe in the critical years. From one point of view we see the following: (1) Franklin D. Roosevelt endeavored to revise the Neutrality Act in order to make possible America's arms-sale to Britain and France, (2) The United States itself began its rearmaments, especially in the mass production of war-aircrafts along with its new military plans called “Rainbow Plan” against the Axis Powers, (3) Roosevelt criticized Britain's appeasement policy and encouraged the Polish Government to take its own decisive attitude. On the other hand is the following; (1) Roosevelt's foreign policy had been conditioned by the people's strong sentiments of isolationism which had rejected the revision of the Neutrality Act, (2) Roosevelt had a plan to call an international conference to accomodate the European conflicts.
    The purpose of this paper is (1) to review the controversy in the early stage of post-World War II and the Cold War years, and (2) to comment on the new interpretations prevailing in the post-Vietnam War years. We acknowledge that there are two schools of interpretation on the question mentioned above. One school interprets that Roosevelt had successfully reconciled his country's global missions and his people's sentiments of isolationism. The other school insists that the United States had been endeavoring consistently to promote the formation of a world-wide free economic system including Nazi-Germany and militalistic Japan, too, after World War I. But we esteem that these two are fundamentally new revisions of former orthodox and revisionist theories.
  • 義井 博
    国際政治
    1967年 1967 巻 33 号 98-102
    発行日: 1967/06/01
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 柴田 昌雄, 山本 明和, 岸 常規, 清水 潔, 小林 快三, 酒井 宏, 大鷹 正彦
    日本腎臓学会誌
    1981年 23 巻 3 号 349-357
    発行日: 1981/03/25
    公開日: 2010/07/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    In order to estimate the role intraglomerular blood coagulation and f ibrinolysis in the progresion of glomerulonephritis, the urinary fibrinolytic activities were examined in 59 cases with various glomerular lesion. The fibrinolytic activities were examined by the fibrin agar plate. The urinary plasminogen a:tivator and the urinary plasmin inhibitor were separated by the affinity chromatography with lysin-sephraroses. The results were as follows, (1) The urinary fibrinolytic activity levels in patieuts with nephrotic syndrome decreased at the acute stage. (2) The urinary plasminogen activator is directly proportional to renal function and so is the urinary plasmin inhibitor to urine protein. (3) The urinary fibrinolytic activity in various glomerular lesion is directly proportional to urinary plasminogen activator, but it has no correlation to plasmin inhibitor. (4) In contrast, the urinary fibrinolytic activity is inversely proportional to the urinary plasmin inhibitor at the acute stage of nephrotic syndrome, It is concluded that as a rule, the urinary f fibrinolytic activity is affected by the urinary plasminogen activator in glomerular lesion, but at the acute stage of nephrotic syndrome, the urinary plasmin inhi-bitor has a certain influence upon urinary fibrinolytic activity.
  • 糖尿病
    1986年 29 巻 1 号 85-90
    発行日: 1986/01/30
    公開日: 2011/08/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 落合 友一, 諸冨 嘉男, 櫻井 忠義
    体力科学
    1991年 40 巻 3 号 288-297
    発行日: 1991/06/01
    公開日: 2010/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Changes in the amount of urinary protein and β2-microglobulin (β2-MG) were observed after middle-distance running in 46 primary school boys, 46 junior high school boys, 74 high school boys and 51 male college students, aged between 6 and 21 years.
    The running distance was varied according to age : 800 m for 6- to 7-year-olds, 1, 200 m for 8- to 9-year-olds, 1, 700 m for 10- to 11-year-olds and 1, 500 m for 12- to 21-year-olds.
    Urine was collected from each subject before and 30 min after running, and total urinary protein was analyzed by the Lowry method and β2-MG by the reverse passive hemagglutination method.
    For all subjects at rest, total urinary protein was 14.2-19.1 mg/dl on average and increased to 24.6-96.2 mg/dl at 30 min after running, while β2-MG at rest was 3.10-7.12 μg/dl and increased to 30.53-1202.87 μg/dl at 30 min after running.
    Urinary protein originating in blood plasma and that in non-blood plasma was calculated on the basis of the study of Poortmans (1968) . Urinary protein originating in blood plasma after running was 2.54-6.58 times higher than that before running, whereas non-blood plasma after running was 1.04-1.92 times higher than that before running. This suggests that the increased urinary protein after running mainly originates from blood plasma. In terms of age, urinary protein from non-blood plasma in boys aged 6 to 11 years showed a greater increase than that in boys over 12 years old.
    The ratio of β2-MG to urinary protein after running was 7.0-80.6 times higher than that before running. The correlation coefficient between urinary protein and β2-MG became higher after running than that before running. These findings indicate that low-molecular-weight urinary protein is predominantly reabsorbed in the proximal renal tubule. In terms of age, the increase in the above ratio in 12-14-year-olds was lower than that in 1521-year-olds, suggesting that the reabsorption ability of the proximal renal tubule matures with age.
  • 重松 尚
    ユダヤ・イスラエル研究
    2018年 32 巻 88-
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2021/05/09
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 山形秋田二縣下の酒造業
    日本釀造協會雜誌
    1922年 17 巻 8 号 38-47
    発行日: 1922年
    公開日: 2011/11/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山本 一生
    史学雑誌
    2014年 123 巻 11 号 1972-1991
    発行日: 2014/11/20
    公開日: 2017/07/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper focuses on teachers working at public schools in Qingdao, Shandong Province, between the Wang Jingwei regime period (1940-1945) and the post-war Nationalist government regime period (1940-1949). Having gone through many regime changes during the first half of the twentieth century, Qingdao well represents the typical Chinese city at the time, and its history provides us with insights into the institutional structures within public schools, which remained unchanged in the face of the otherwise ever present political instability. To focus on public school teachers is particularly productive, since public schools in a modern nation deal with the everyday lives of the general population at an early age, as governments try to utilize them as an effective tool to implement state ideology and political influence. Teachers at public schools, therefore, are placed in a highly ambivalent position; that is, while as agents of the state they are expected to enforce its policies and exercise its control among their pupils, these very same pedagogues, as local intellectuals, were themselves subject to state regulations and control regarding freedom of expression, etc. This paper examines what it meant for schoolteachers and the institutions they served to be working in the midst of constantly shifting regional political power, using the case of Qingdao. The historical research on the subject to date tends to stress discontinuity; that is, any change in political regime invariably brought about many changes in educational policy and institutional structure. This is especially true of historians of Chine with leanings toward revolutionary historiography. On the other hand, there is a group of historians who have recently shifted their focus to the historical continuity that marked China under both the Wang Jingwei and PRC regimes. This article, which follows the latter approach, attempts to illuminate such continuities, beginning with an examination of the transformations experienced by the Qingdao school system, including the question of why the number of primary schools in Qingdao increased between the 1900s and 1940s. Then the discussion shifts to the careers of a number of representative teachers at the primary school level, the analysis of which shows a large amount of continuity in the status of teachers within the profession. Finally, the author examines how the post-war Nationalist government dealt with the legacies of the preceding regimes, the case in point being the emergence of "teachers in continual service", which the author discusses based on pension application records. Throughout the article, the author attempts to show how the status of many teachers within the school system remained the same, despite numerous political and social changes going on around them in Qingdao and comes to the following conclusions. First, the analysis of teachers' reports shows that while personnel matters of city districts (shiqu 市区) were highly susceptible to political change, those of townships (xiangqu 郷区) were not, as demonstrated by a large contingent of "continually serving teachers" there. Secondly, the analysis of pension application records reveals the existence of tension between individual teachers and their superiors regarding how teaching experiences during the Japanese occupation were to be treated for the purpose of pension calculation. Based on the above analysis, the author argues that a given regime had only a limited influence on the status of teachers in the public school system and many of these pedagogues, though placed at relatively low levels in the state power structure, proactively struggled to effectively protect their interests and their statuses within the profession.
  • 塩崎 弘明
    史学雑誌
    1980年 89 巻 8 号 1278-1289
    発行日: 1980/08/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 現代史としてのベトナム戦争
    田中 康友
    国際政治
    2002年 2002 巻 130 号 143-159,L14
    発行日: 2002/05/31
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    It is wildly believed that Japan conducted an “autonomous” diplomacy during 1970's and it was well demonstrated in its foreign policy toward Vietnam. At the same time, Japan sought to contribute to the peace and security in Southeast Asia by using its world's second largest economic power as a carrot for Vietnam. Thus, I would like to characterize this movement as the “diplomacy of an economic power” and would like to demonstrate how Japan played a political role to balance the enlargement of China and Soviet powers on Vietnam by satisfying its economic needs.
    After the fall of Saigon in April 1975, the US became indifferent to Indochina. In contrast, China and the Soviet Union had begun to seek to gain a hegemonic power. Both of them regarded Vietnam as a key factor to formulate their foreign policies in this region as it took a relatively neutral position in the Sino-Soviet conflict. The Soviet Union aided Vietnam both military and financially with the expectation that Vietnam could bring great pressure on China from the south. In the same manner China aided Vietnam in order to encourage Hanoi to avoid the development of Soviet-Vietnamese relations, especially their security cooperation against China. At the same time, China also supported the Pol Pot regime, an anti-Vietnamese government in Cambodia, to be a friendly “buffer state” to block complete Soviet-Vietnamese security cooperation in Indochina.
    Japan was concerned about who would fill the “power vacuum” in Southeast Asia. If Vietnam tilted towards China or the Soviet Union, then ASEAN countries might align with the other in order to counter-balance its power in the region. As a result, the influence of communist powers on Southeast Asia would be inevitable. That is what Japan feared the most.
    Vietnam needed economic assistance for post-war reconstruction, not only from communist countries but also from Western and ASEAN countries. Vietnam also demanded the US to make war reparations pledged by Nixon, which was a prerequisite condition for the normalization of ties with the US. Under these circumstances, Japan took two major foreign policies toward Vietnam. One was to offer ODA. Another was to play an intermediary role to normalize the diplomatic relations between the US and Vietnam.
    Japan encouraged Vietnam to maintain a neutral position toward the Sino-Soviet conflict. Since the outbreak of the Sino-Vietnamese conflict made Vietnamese dependency on the Soviet Union, Japan discourage Vietnam to depend on it. Japan regarded itself as a “counterweight” to the powers of China and the Soviet Union.
  • 日本腎臓学会誌
    1985年 27 巻 12 号 1712-1761
    発行日: 1985年
    公開日: 2010/07/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 腎臓学会
    日本腎臓学会誌
    1980年 22 巻 5 号 602-647
    発行日: 1980年
    公開日: 2010/07/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 腎臓学会
    日本腎臓学会誌
    1980年 22 巻 5 号 540-601
    発行日: 1980年
    公開日: 2010/07/05
    ジャーナル フリー
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