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  • 第21回山川菊栄賞を受賞して
    柳本 祐加子
    学術の動向
    2003年 8 巻 10 号 90-91
    発行日: 2003/10/01
    公開日: 2010/03/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ――グアテマラ民衆法廷の取り組み――
    柴田 修子
    日本比較政治学会年報
    2011年 13 巻 163-193
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2020/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • アクティブ・ミュージアム「女たちの平和と戦争資料館」訪問記
    松永 光司
    日本の科学者
    2016年 51 巻 6 号 30-31
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2024/02/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 「女性国際戦犯法廷」の挑戦
    大越 愛子
    法社会学
    2002年 2002 巻 56 号 40-65,274
    発行日: 2002/03/30
    公開日: 2009/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    The andro-centric history='his-story' has been formed by making violence against women invisible and covering over the affliction and powerlessness of women who are forced to keep silence for fear of attack against them. At last, the Women's International War Crimes Tribunal 2000 for the Trial of Japanese Military Sexual Slavery, which took place in Tokyo from December 8-12, made a severe judgment on sexual crimes in wartime, crimes which had originated in the andro-centric state, the Great Japanese Empire, and labelled these crimes against humanity.
    Along with the testimonies of former comfort women, analyses of the historical background of the system make clear that the comfort women system was a crime based upon the gender policy of the modern nation-state. For long have Modern nation-states exploited the gender-hierarchical system for the purpose of their establishment and continuation.
    Hegel's "The Philosophy of Law" elucidates that nations have been engendered, which reflects national laws and ethics. According to his philosophy, men must work hard to pay taxes, fight for national defense, and carry out national policies. On the other hand, women must be engaged in reproduction, child-rearing, and unpaid house work. If either men or women tried to escape from their duties, they were blamed and punished by the community.
    Feminist movements have been fighting against the gender-policy of modern nation-states. The Women's Tribunal was planned by the international women's network and stands as a major achievement of modern feminist movements. It is said that the tribunal was established to redress the historical tendency to trivialize, excuse, marginalize and obfuscate crimes against women, particularly sexual crimes. I want to consider in this paper the new perspectives that will be opened by the spirit of this tribunal.
  • 南アフリカ「真実和解委員会」と「日本軍性奴隷制を裁く女性国際戦犯法廷」をめぐって
    高橋 哲哉
    法社会学
    2002年 2002 巻 56 号 16-25,273
    発行日: 2002/03/30
    公開日: 2009/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the last decade of the 20th century, two significant events were held to deal with the pasts which were profoundly traumatized by the crimes against humanity; The Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the Republic of South Africa and the Women's International War Crimes Tribunal on Japan's Military Sexual Slavery.
    The former avoided the "Nuremberg Option", that is the trial of criminals, in giving priority to establish the national unity and reconciliation. Amnesty was granted to the persons who had made full confession of the truth about their criminal acts with political objectives in the period of Apartheid. This principle of "justice without punishment" was guided not only by some inevitable "material" conditions in the new-born Country, but also by the philosophy of "forgiveness" in its hegelien or arendtien version.
    By contrast, the latter declared itself to be a renewal of "Tokyo Tribunal" in order to end the culture of impunity. Three days of trial produced the judgement according to which the Japanese Imperial Army' s "comfort women" stations and wartime sexual violence constituted crimes against humanity and the Supreme Commander of the Army and Navy, Emperor Hirohito did have legal responsibilities. Thus the Women's Tribunal, without real judicial effect, contested both the post-war Japanese culture of impunity about war crimes and the international culture of impunity about crimes against women in war.
    These two events can be highly appreciated as those which offered public spaces where the voices of victims and perpetrators could be heard seriously for the first time.
  • 岡野 八代
    法社会学
    2002年 2002 巻 56 号 84-105,275
    発行日: 2002/03/30
    公開日: 2009/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this essay is to explore the influence of "legalism" on the judicial judgment concerning the issue of ex-"comfort women." It is a very simple question that I would like to answer by examining the legal concept of justice within the context of contemporary North American political theory. That is, why can the government of Japan and most Japanese people believe that the government of Japan does not have to take any legal responsibility in response to the claims to justice from ex-"comfort women, " even though they say that it does have a moral responsibility? Why is it "not unjust" to ex-comfort women from the judicial point of view that the Japanese government has been refusing to take any responsibility for the horror of the Japanese military's institutionalization of sexual slavery during the War?
    Firstly, I define the character of "legalism" in accordance with the criticism of "legalism" by Judith Shklar. She asserts that legalism treats law as an entity distinct from all political moral and values. She also equates the normal model of justice which legalism presupposes with distributive justice. When we look back to the history of theories of justice, Aristotle identified two forms of justice; one is distributive justice and the other, corrective. However, as we see in contemporary arguments on justice, especially after John Rawls' A Theory of Justice, the latter seems to have been curiously dismissed. Because distributive justice means proportional equality or fairness within the context of the particular political institution, it necessarily reflects the concept of common good within the community. On the other hand, corrective justice tends to be ignored or regarded as having nothing to do with the political. In this sense, we can understand the reason why Shklar equated the normal model of justice with distributive justice.
    Thus, theories of justice, have been focusing on the matter of what just principles of distributive justice are. However, this tendency is blinkered to many issues about domination and past injuries which have not yet been rectified. If we are responsive to existing social relations where inequalities or domination have not been swept away, we need to take seriously the political problem on how we can reshape them as a crucial issue of justice.
  • 大越 愛子
    フォーラム現代社会学
    2011年 10 巻 28-36
    発行日: 2011/06/30
    公開日: 2017/09/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    戦争や武力紛争時に生じる性暴力に関しては、多くの論ずべきテーマがあろう。本論考では、この性差別的世界で、長い間沈黙を強いられ、スティグマ化されてきたが、ついに20世紀末に、彼女たちの経験してきた苦悩と加害者への怒りを語ることを決意されたサバイバーたちの観点に、焦点を当てたい。私は20年前、最初にカムアウトされ、日本軍と兵士たちを厳しく告発された、いわゆる日本軍「慰安婦」制度のサバイバー金学順の証言を忘れることはできない。特に、彼女がその惨めな生活のために「女の歓び」を奪われたと話されたことに衝撃を受けた。私はこの証言は、性暴力の核心をつくと考え、それを論じたが、今から思えば不十分なものであったと思う。これに関して、ポストコロニアル・フェミニスト岡真理から、そうした証言が「男性中心的な性表現」でなされることの矛盾を指摘された。だが私の意図は、サバイバーが性的主体として立ちあらわれ、発話されたことの衝撃を伝えることにあったのだと、当論文で改めて主張したい。サバイバー証言をいかに聞き取るかを考えるためにも、この種の議論は重要だろう。さらに、こうしたサバイバーたちの証言への応答責任として開催された日本軍性奴隷制を裁く「
    女性国際戦犯法廷
    」の意義を論じたい。これは近代の戦争と軍事システムという構造的暴力を裁く画期的な試みである。しかしこの「法廷」は、日本政府や少なからぬ論者によっても無視され続けてきた。10年経った現在、この「法廷」を受け継ぐ試みが新たに起こりつつある。構造的暴力と闘い続けるという倫理的責任が、私たちにいっそう強く求められているということだろう。
  • 「慰安婦」問題の現在
    池田 恵理子
    日本の科学者
    2018年 53 巻 1 号 45-50
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2023/12/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 国際法におけるフェミニズム・アプローチの問題提起とその射程
    申 恵豊
    世界法年報
    2003年 2003 巻 22 号 136-163
    発行日: 2003/01/30
    公開日: 2011/02/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 若林 美佐知
    現代史研究
    2016年 62 巻 33-40
    発行日: 2016/12/02
    公開日: 2019/08/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 国際法の視座
    阿部 浩己
    法社会学
    2002年 2002 巻 56 号 66-83,275
    発行日: 2002/03/30
    公開日: 2009/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    Breaking five decades of silence, Asian women courageously emerged in the public arena as survivors of Japanese military sexual slavery. The immediate response of the Japanese ruling elite was a blatant disregard of their voices and yet another imposition of silence. Under the circumstances, one fundamental challenge facing international legal scholarship is to make an inquiry into the legal implication of silence consistently forced on victimized survivors. It necessarily ignites a process of re-examining the value premises which dictate the purposes and beneficiaries of the international law.
    Behind the forced silence is classical liberalism, the dominant theory of international legal studies. Justifying legal regulation based on the ideas of consent, liberty and equality of states, classical liberalism continuously reproduces the preeminent concept of elitism in international society. The fulcrum of this theory may be broken down into four "isms": euro-centrism, andro-centrism, statism and presentism. Under the pretense of objectivism and stability of legal order, classical liberalism strenuously backs up the ruling elites' inhumane response of suppressing survivors' desperate calls.
    Vibrant streams increasingly visible in international legal scene in the 1990', represented inter alia by the Australian-led feminist school, effectively debunks the value premises of mainstream international legal studies, thus leading a world-wide movement to "open up" otherwise closed international law. Deliberately un-silencing voices of the "Others", i.e. non-Europeans, women, citizens and the past (and the future) generations, the new movement has brought forth a welcoming progress in international law in such areas as human rights and humanitarian law. Commonly observed in a number of litigations filed by survivors of Japanese military sexual slavery against the culpable government is a call for the deconstruction of international law so that the voices of the Others are secured therein. Clearly, their call synchronizes the world-wide legal movement to reshape international law.
    This essay is intended to portray the value premises and legal implications behind international law arguments presented in connection with the issue of Japanese military sexual slavery. Reference is made as well to a Peoples' Tribunal, the Women's International War Crimes Tribunal 2000 in Tokyo, which in the view of the author, is a manifestation of the dynamic process to open up international law to citizens and women, whose agonies have been unheeded in the state-centered, patriarchal international legal scene.
  • ―今こそ明らかとなるハーグ判決の意義
    大越 愛子
    女性学
    2007年 14 巻 21-29
    発行日: 2007/04/09
    公開日: 2021/12/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 青山 薫
    社会学評論
    2011年 62 巻 1 号 125-126
    発行日: 2011/06/30
    公開日: 2013/03/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 國分 典子
    国際女性
    2012年 26 巻 1 号 141-142
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2015/02/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 辻村 みよ子
    国際女性
    2012年 26 巻 1 号 140-141
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2015/02/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 前田 朗
    刑法雑誌
    2000年 39 巻 3 号 527-532
    発行日: 2000/04/30
    公開日: 2022/12/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 土野 瑞穂
    平和研究
    2016年 47 巻 87-103
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2023/11/24
    ジャーナル フリー

    The “comfort women” survivors have demanded an official apology and national compensation from the Japanese government for damages resulting from forced sexual slavery associated with the Imperial Japanese Army from the 1990s. The Japanese government established the Asian Women’ s Fund (AWF), which is based on donations from Japanese citizens rather than compensation from the government. Most survivors stated that the AWF would not restore their dignity. A total of 364 “comfort women,” however, accepted the project. Why?

    The purpose of this study is to analyze the various approaches that were adopted to resolve this issue, as well as the survivors’ responses to the AWF. The study finds that the decision whether or not to receive the fund depended on each survivor=s situation, which varied by country, society, family relations, and actual damage. That is to say, not all decisions were purely based on individual will. The results of this study show that not only the survivors but also their families suffer the aftereffects of the survivors’ experiences as “comfort women.” The survivors cannot by themselves eliminate their struggles that stemmed from this experience. This is one reason why the survivors have demanded an official apology from the Japanese government. Based on these findings, this study suggests that an atonement to reestablish social relations surrounding these women by restoring their honor is necessary, rather than trivializing the issue of the “comfort women” as simply personal.

  • 平和研究
    2012年 38 巻 i-xii
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2023/11/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • インターカルチュラル
    2022年 20 巻 91-94
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2023/11/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 小浜 正子
    史学雑誌
    2001年 110 巻 5 号 961-968
    発行日: 2001/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
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