明治期の西洋音楽受容については多くの研究が行われてきたが, 明治期に日本の学校唱歌が西洋に伝えられ, 和声付けされていたことについてはまだあまり研究されていない。本論文は伊澤修二の『小学唱歌』第一巻 (1892) が日本学者ルドルフ・ランゲと音楽家ゲオルク・カペレンによってどのように翻訳・編曲されていたのかを明らかにすることを目的としている。伊澤修二の『小学唱歌』第一巻は, 教育勅語の内容をわかりやすく歌で教えることを目的としていた。ランゲの研究論文「日本の小学唱歌」 (1900) の考察から, ランゲは伊澤修二の『小学唱歌』第一巻を深い理解に基づき翻訳していることが明らかとなった。またカペレンの編曲『小学唱歌 伊澤修二の日本の旋律』 (1903) の分析により, カペレンが日本の唱歌の旋律に複数の和音や, 複数の調性の可能性を見出し, 独自の和声付けを試みていることが明らかとなった。

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The wagon _??__??_, the Japanese indigenous six-stringed zither, is often said to have been used only in Japanese native genres such as mikagura _??__??__??_, azuma-asobi _??__??_, and the like. However, from the 10th century, the wagon was introduced into togaku _??__??_ and saibara _??__??__??_ in the context of private concerts, called gyoyu _??__??_, held by a small number of high ranking nobles. Neither this fact, nor the nature of the wagon's musical practice at that time are well known. Fortunately, several sources on the wagon compiled or copied during the Edo period by the musicians of the Ayanokoji family _??__??__??__??_ and others are available. The source Gakurin-gosho _??__??__??__??_ is of most importance in the following regards; 1) It could be dated back to the 15th century which means it represents the old performance tradition, from the time before the saibara tradition's loss in the late Muromachi period. 2) It contains a detailed scores of the wagon as used in both saibara and togaku. An analysis of these sources has made the followings apparent; First, in saibara, the wagon repeats two fixed patterns called sugagaki _??__??_ and katagaki _??__??_ regardless of the vocal melodies. The former pattern is used in go-hyoshi _??__??__??_ or 8 unit pieces and the latter in sando-byoshi _??__??__??__??_ or 4 unit pieces. The wagon part's lack of a close relationship with the vocal part is a characteristic shared with other native vocal genres such as mikagura and azuma-asobi. The basic techniques included in sugagaki and katagaki patterns in saibara can in fact be found in various native genres, so it is possible that sugagaki and katagaki were constructed from these already existed techniques. In this sense, the wagon as used in saibara can be seen as part of a unified lineage of the wagon practice in Japanese native court songs including mikagura.
In the case of mikagura, however, a periodical cyclic structure is lacking (except in a small number of exceptional pieces) and the wagon is not played in a periodic patternized manner. On the other hand, periodical repetition is a characteristic of the wagon part in saibara which bears similarity to the rhythmic structure of togaku. In saibara, the wagon actually played in a clear rhythmic role, with unequivocal accents marked with the plectrum pattern in a cycle.
Unlike in saibara, the wagon in togaku has developed a more melodic dimension that follows the wind instruments' fundamental melody line. In order to highlight its distinction from other long zither, so or koto, in togaku ensemble, the wagon was always played using plectrum patterns that produced a unique sound and strong accents in a periodical cycle.
Although, the wagon was used in a highly patternized way in togaku, different arrangements of a single piece in the sources examined show considerable variety in their detail. This suggests a flexibility in arrangement of individual melodies. In this regard, the wagon had more scope for musical development in the context of togaku than it did in saibara, for the latter case the wagon played only two fixed patterns. In togaku, then, the wagon's style was in closer accord with the ideals of gyoyu which allowed a large amount of improvisation or personal arrangement of melodies.

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Kofu-Ryoritsu-no-Maki (KRRM, also known as Kofu/Hooshoo-fu Ryoritsukan/Kofu Ritsuryo-kan) _??__??__??__??__??_, a tablature score for shoo _??_ (mouth organ with 17 bamboo pipes, used in gagaku _??__??_), was compiled in the early 13th century by musicians of the Toyohara family. It includes a large repertoire of toogaku _??__??_ pieces and is especially significant as one of the earliest sources which includes the indications nobe _??_ and haya _??_, a pair of metrical specifications.
The elements of the notational system of KRRM are as follows:
1. Primary tablature signs in vertical column of notation indicating the names of the pipes of the instrument.
2. Secondary signs dealing with rhythm, namely ku-ten _??__??_ (intra-columnary dots) and kobyooshi-ten _??__??__??__??_ (dots to the right of the notational column). Although the ku-ten and kobyooshi-ten systems are applied to the notational column simultaneously in KRRM, these can be analyzed independently.
Analysis focusing on these elements has made it clear that all measured toogaku pieces can be classified into two rhythmic types. Furthermore, comparison of the melodies in KRRM with those in Sango-Yooroku (SGYR) _??__??__??__??_ and Jinchi-Yooroku (JCYR) _??__??__??__??_, both of which were compiled in the late 12th century by Fujiwara no Moronaga, has shown that melodic features in KRRM correspond to those in SGYR and JCYR, although the two types of KRRM are divided into four types in SGYR and JCYR.
The metrical indications nobe and haya can be found in KRRM, while they cannot be found in SGYR and JCYR. It is possible, however, to apply the indications in KRRM to SGYR and JCYR because of the correspondence of melodies between the sources. The relationships between the indications of nobe/haya and the four rhythmic types are as follows:
Type AA: one primary tablature sign for every kobyooshi. →haya
Type B: two or more primary tablature signs for every kobyooshi, with syncopated melodic movement →nobe
Type A: one primary tablature sign for every kobyooshi, or two or more primary tablature signs for odd-numbered kobyooshi →haya (nobe)
Type AB: one or two primary tablature signs for each kobyooshi →haya (nobe)
In the greater part of the repertoire of SGYR and JCYR, an original melody and an arrangement of this is given for each measured piece. In nobe-yahyooshi _??__??__??__??_ pieces particularly, most of the original melodies can be classified into Type A or AB, and the arrangements into Type B. Even though these pieces are classified as nobe pieces as a whole, the original versions in Type A or AB may be classified as haya pieces in terms of the density of tablature signs and melodic movement. In some cases, the original versions in Type A or AB of nobe are expressly referred to as haya in KRRM.
Today the classification of nobe and haya is fixed for each piece, but it seems not to have been in the late Heian to early Kamakura periods (the 12th-13th centuries). In other words, there were several versions of each piece, differing from each other in terms of the metrical specifications nobe and haya.

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Jinchi-yoroku (JCYR) _??__??__??__??_, a tablature score for gakuso _??__??_ (the long zither used in gagaku _??__??_), was compiled in the late 12th century by Fujiwara no Moronaga _??__??__??__??_ (1138-92). It stands out among the rich variety of written source materials associated with gagaku as a comparatively large scale source. It includes explanations of notational systems _??__??__??_ and tablature scores of choshi _??__??_, saibara _??__??__??_, togaku _??__??_, komagaku _??__??__??_, and gigaku _??__??_ pieces.
The elements of the notational system of JCYR are as follows:
1. Primary tablature signs indicating names of the strings of the instrument
2. Secondary signs dealing with rhythm
3. Tertiary signs dealing with performance techniques, especially those of the left hand
After analysis focusing on the first two elements, it has become clear that all measured togakv pieces can be classified into four rhythmic types:
Type AA: one primary tablature sign for every kobyoshi _??__??__??_ (unit of rhythm)
Type A: one primary tablature sign for every kobyosh, or one primary tablature sign for even-numbered kobyoshi and two or more primary tablature signs for odd-numbered kobyoshi; the secondary sign ka _??_ appears only in odd-numbered kobyoshi
Type B: two or more primary tablature signs for every kobyoshi, with a syncopated melodic movement; the secondary sign ka appears only in odd-numbered kobyoshi
Type AB: a mixture of Types A and B, with one or two primary tablature signs for each kobyoshi; the secondary sign ka appears both in even-and odd-numbered kobyoshi
In the major part of the togaku repertoire, each measured piece has original melody (genkyoku _??__??_) and an arrangement of this melody (dokyoku _??__??_). Most of the original melodies may be classified into Type A and the arranged ones into Type B.In some cases, melodies of Type B are given the metrical specification gaku-byoshi _??__??__??_, as opposed to tada-byoshi _??__??__??_. Analysis of the frequency of appearance of the secondary sign ka, especially when comparing Types A and B, shows that genkyoku of Type A are likely to bear the indication tada-byoshi, and that this is the same as that of tada-byoshi as interpreted today, in the sense that the odd-numbered kobyoshi are of longer duration than the even-numbered.

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 Legal protection of tangible cultural property was established in Europe from the mid-19th century to the beginning of the 20^th century, and in Japan in 1897. Intangible cultural heritage on the other hand, received legal protection in Japan in 1950, making it the earliest establishment of formal legal protection for intangible cultural heritage in the world. Under international law, UNESCO established the Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention in 2003, approximately 50 years after the intangible heritage legislation was established in Japan. The Cultural Properties Protection Law was created under the occupation of GHQ, but it has not been proved why such extensive laws, including intangible cultural property, were developed in Japan under occupation.
 Before WWII, the Imperial Household in Japan played an important role in the protection of intangible cultural properties, for example by granting subsidies to the arts under its patronage, and employing performers of classical arts and rituals. Therefore, in this paper, while focusing on the changes the Imperial Household went through following the end of the war, we analyzed the process of the intangible heritage protection system shifting from the patronage of the Imperial Household before WW II to the legal protection after WW II, following a decision made by the Diet.
 First, we analyzed the discussion in the Diet concerning Gagaku, which was the responsibility of the Imperial Household before WW II, and therefore treated as public affairs. The problem of the future protection of Gagaku, due to the change in the political position of the Emperor of Japan and the dissolution of Kunaifu (Imperial Household Agency), was raised at two times during the Diet discussion. Although the Ministry of Education recognized the importance of the protection of classical arts, such as Gagaku, the proposed method of protection was not legal protection, but rather promotion or documentation.
 Regarding intangible cultural heritage that was not treated as public affairs before WW II, the necessity of the protection Nohgaku was also discussed in the Diet. Since Nohgaku has influenced many classic Japanese arts, it was recognized as a “dynamic national treasure”, as opposed to tangible cultural properties which were recognized as “static national treasures”, for example architectural and art works. At that time, the idea of tangible and intangible cultural properties being equal, was born. Although the Ministry of Education confirmed the importance of Nohgaku, it only insisted on an individual subsidy system and documentation. After this, voices were raised for the protection of folk cultural heritage as well, such as festival events and local arts, which brought a new perspective on heritage protection, widening the view from classical arts to local arts. But in terms of protection, the Ministry of Education only proposed for the creation of local promotion councils.
 The creation of the Cultural Property Protection Law was triggered by the fire of Horyu-ji temple kondo mural paintings. In the creation of this Law, legislators considered the protection of intangible cultural properties as being parallel with the protection of tangible cultural properties. The adopted protection methods included subsidies and the requirement to hold performances open to the public, but the designation system was not introduced until later. Therefore, it is necessary to proved the process leading to the introduction of the designation system of Living National Treasure in 1954 and intangible folk-cultural properties in 1974.

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This thesis is a study of the changes in the performing style of minyou singers in post WWII Okinawa, through an analysis of three minyou singers (Seijin Noborikawa, Sadao China, Syuken Maekawa). It examines their life history and musical activities, internal and external influences on popular music history in Okinawa and two activities and thinking of minyou singers in Okinawa. As to internal influences, three minyou singers regard very highly the inheritance of the style of musical activities. Most minyou singers in Okinawa emphasize developing their own skill between times and leaders. Moreover, as to external influences, Seijin Noborikawa has been active under the leadership of a producer from the Japanese mainland. Sadao China has been active comprehensively as a singer, songwriter and producer. Syuken Maekawa has only influenced people of Okinawan ancestry.

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本稿の目的は1920-40年代に沖縄出身の普久原朝喜が丸福レコードにおける〈媒介者〉として、どのような実践をしていたのか明らかにすることである。制作者としての役割を果たしながら、歌手・演奏家、聴衆を仲介する人物として、朝喜の実践を分析した。結論は以下の3点である。第1に、朝喜はレコードを沖縄、日本、海外における沖縄系エスニック・コミュニティに向けて発信するスタイル、つまり〈内向き〉発信スタイルに基づきレコードを発売していた。第2に、レコード制作は沖縄固有のローカル性に富み、聴衆と販路は国境を越え流動化していた。ただし、丸福レコードの活動は国という地理的な境界は越えたが、沖縄人という民族的な境界は越えていなかった。第3に、大阪在住の朝喜の存在は沖縄移民の中継地として機能していた。朝喜は沖縄、日本、海外における沖縄系ネットワークを有効に活用し、レコード制作販売に反映させることで商業的成功を成し遂げたといえる。

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