In 1911, the adoption of bujutsu as a teaching material for regular school lessons was accepted for the first time. However, in the teaching guidelines for school gymnastics published in 1913, the teaching content of bujutsu was not clearly shown. To remedy this, the Ministry of Education held a training session for bujutsu teachers. This study looks at this bujutsu training session and what the content guidelines and the teaching methods of judo were to show clearly to what extent they were established in schools throughout Japan.
The findings of this study are as follows. At the bujutsu training session, gokyo-no-waza was presented as the main teaching material of judo, and teachers all over Japan were informed of this. Therefore, the teaching content of judo in regular school lessons after the training session used nage-waza as the main teaching material, and gokyo-no-waza was regarded as a teaching material arrangement of nage-waza for gradual instruction. The main teaching method of gokyo-no-waza gradually permeated every school, and teaching methods gradually become unified and it was integrated into the teaching guidelines of school gymnastics in the second revision (1936).

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　本稿の目的は、「柔道整復」の歴史の一側面を系統立てることによって「柔道整復」という名称の謎に迫り、「柔道整復」という概念がいかにして構成されたかを分析することである。世界中を見渡しても、「柔道」のような特定のスポーツの名称を冠した療法は他に類を見ない。
　本稿ではまず、「柔道」の発展史を確認することで、柔道整復術が公認される時代というのは、柔道が発展普及していく時代と重なることを示唆した。こうした時代背景こそが、「柔術」ではなく「柔道」を使用することになった要因の一つといえよう。
　次に、「整復術」の源流といわれている「接骨術」と現在の「柔道整復」の差異を検討することで、非観血療法と呼ばれる療法が受け継がれ、他方で薬の処方については受け継がれなかったという事実を確認した。
　最後に「帝国議会衆議院請願委員会議」の議事録などを検討することで、「柔道」が柔道整復師にとって独自の職業アイデンティティの一翼を担っている可能性を示唆した。

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It has been considered that budo (the generic name for Japanese martial arts, reconstructed from bujitsu by the Meiji era) began to be spread overseas by elite budo experts from the 19th century, and this has now become a popularly held historical view. Meanwhile, bujitsu (the generic name for Japanese traditional martial arts) experts who had been overseas at that time were considered less significant. Because the difference between budo and bujitsu was fuzzy at the time, bujitsu was considered to lie within the same mission as budo in terms of being spread overseas.
By focusing on Shotaro Fukuoka's mission in Paraguay, and particularly on the recipients there, this study reconsiders the mission of budo overseas by non-elite jiu-jitsu (one kind of bujitsu art) experts. The study highlighted three points. Firstly, in the local newspaper, jiu-jitsu was considered to be an effective discipline, both physically and mentally, similar to swordplay and gymnastics. Secondly, jiu-jitsu was adopted by the local sports club as self-defense training. The present study considers that adoption of jiu-jitsu was smooth in the sports club. Thirdly, jiu-jitsu was used for show at mixed martial arts contests organized by the sports club for entertaining the local public.
The fact that jiu-jitsu was widely adopted by the local public in Paraguay suggests that Fukuoka's mission was not to seek a certain type of adoption but rather flexibility. Finally, the local sports club became not only a recipient of jiu-jitsu, but also a dispatcher by teaching public jiu-jitsu classes, which enabled various classes of people to participate in jiu-jitsu.

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　The present study aimed to clarify the establishment of Judo etiquette during the wartime and postwar periods. Nakamura (2011) discussed Japanese martial arts etiquette in modern Japan. In his work, however, he dealt largely with Kendo etiquette, and inadequately addressed the history of Judo, as well as overlooking the period of Allied occupation (1945–1952). This article focuses on the reformation of Judo etiquette in that period and clarifies its historical background.
　It was revealed that, first, the enactment of etiquette in August 1940 was intended to be a criticism of Taro Inaba, who was excommunicated at the Kodokan. Inaba had criticized the Kodokan and the Dai Nippon Butokukwai, stating that when a judoka stands and bows with shizen hontai (natural posture) it reflects disrespect to the emperor. During the war, with the increasing influence of State Shinto, Inaba’s claim could have undermined Judo’s social credibility. Therefore, the Kodokan and Butokukwai abolished shizen hontai and in its place instituted the posture of attention, the basic Shinto posture, and this was also followed by the military and adopted in middle school games; thus, the current system of courtesy was established during this period. Furthermore, the practice of sitting on tatami mats with the left knee and standing up with the right foot was adopted in 1943 to match the postures stipulated in State Shinto.
　The etiquette established during the war was modified during the Occupation, when bowing to feudal seniors and the kamidana were abolished. In addition, the choice of bowing posture, whether at attention or a natural posture, was left to the practitioners. In this way, it can be said that Judo etiquette was democratized.
　However, college students’ conduct during Judo bouts was disturbed after the Tokyo Olympics in 1964. Consequently, wartime etiquette was revived. However, the Kodokan did not disclose that its etiquette was influenced by State Shinto and the military. The official line was that the etiquette was based on principles of Judo such as seiryoku-zenyo (maximum use of energy) and jita kyoei (mutual welfare and benefit).

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The purpose of this study is to examine the researches on atemi-waza by Kano Jigoro, the founder of judo, and his pupils to clarify the development of the theory of judo as a martial art during the prewar Showa era. The main points are summarized as follows:

According to Kano, atemi-waza should be practiced in the shobuho (the martial arts system of judo) kata as part of the judo system. It was a dangerous technique which had the potential to kill or wound an opponent, but as judo is a martial art, it was also an essential technique. Kano created the “Seiryoku-Zenyo-Kokumin-Taiiku” (Maximum- Efficiency National Physical Education) in which there is solo practice that, starting from shizentai (natural posture), teaches atemi-waza that use the hands and feet. Through this kata, Kano’s aim was for practitioners to achieve all of the shobuho, taiikuho (the physical education system of judo) and shushinho (the intellectual and moral system of judo).

Seiryoku-Zenyo-Kokumin-Taiiku became a model method for practitioners to learn atemi-waza, and it was a kata method adopted in judo which had become a compulsory subject in school physical education in 1931. Based on this kata, other new atemi-waza kata were devised into which research was carried out regarding their physical education aspects. Concerning its martial art aspects, research was more developed in times of war. Nango Jiro , the second Kodokan president, also studied and trained in atemi-waza and established an in-house atemi-waza research committee at the Kodokan in 1942, and conducted systematic research into it.

Tomiki Kenji, who trained in judo and aikijujutsu, conceived judo as a comprehensive combat art that integrated both kendo and judo principles. In the thesis “The systematic study of techniques while maintaining distance in judo” (1942), Tomiki regarded atemi-waza as the opening technique of an attack which could change into a throwing technique or joint-locking technique. Tomiki thought that atemi-waza using the hand blade from hanmi (oblique stance) was important. He transformed Kano’s dangerous atemi-waza into another which was based on the principle of throwing techniques in judo. The purpose of that atemi-waza was to touch and topple the opponent by using the hand blade.

Regarding the development of the theory of judo as a martial art, on the assumption that atemi-waza was an essential technique, there were two research directions: the pursuit of killing techniques and the technical uniqueness of judo.

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Throughout the course of the popularization of judo, Jigoro Kano refined kitoryu-no-kata (a technique in judo having a profound theory) and developed it as koshiki-no-kata. The purpose of this study is to clarify: (1) the details of kitoryu-no-kata, (2) the development from kitoryu-no-kata to koshiki-no-kata, and (3) Kano’s strategies on the popularization of kata as to which parts of kitoryu-no-kata he valued the most, the methods of the development of kitoryu-no-kata, its meaning and the development from kitoryu-no-kata to koshiki-no-kata. The results are shown below:
(1) Kitoryu is based on a state of unity between the imperturbable mind and body, which is called hontai. According to the Kitoryu jujutsu code, hontai places a strong empathies on spiritual training and harmonizing the mind and body with the universe’s energy source — ki, without being distracted by the moves of the kata or the opponent’s moves. In establishing Kodokan judo, Kano adopted kitoryu-no-kata (grappling techniques in armor which was used in times of war), as a kata with noble principles. In the kitoryu-no-kata style, Kano valued a steady posture (hontai), an imperturbable mind and techniques that disturb the opponent’s posture.
(2) Kano changed the name from kitoryu-no-kata to koshiki-no-kata sometime after 1901. When comparing the two kata, it can be seen that there are five waza (techniques) that acquired a different name and two waza (techniques) that have a reverse order. In the Kitoryu style, a 14-technique session begins and ends with a courtesy greeting. In the Kitoryu style, 14 techniques and seven mudan techniques have been recognized as different forms of kata. Although there is a movement that disturbs the opponent’s posture by grasping and holding his neck in the kitoryu-no-kata style, Kano changed it to pressing against the opponent’s chest instead— from the point of view of safety and elegance.
(3) Ever since the very founding of Kodokan, judoka have been neglecting kata. Kano tried a variety of ways to popularize kata because he felt that students should learn the principles of correct throwing techniques through kata.

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