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  • 原口 虎雄
    法制史研究
    1979年 1979 巻 29 号 181-184
    発行日: 1980/03/15
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 丸山 雍成
    交通史研究
    2008年 67 巻 5-23
    発行日: 2008/12/31
    公開日: 2017/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山本 博文
    史学雑誌
    1983年 92 巻 6 号 955-1001,1106-
    発行日: 1983/06/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー

    It is well known that, in the process of Toyotomi Hideyoshi's (秀吉) invasion of Korea, various feudal lords (daimyo 大名) were subjected to a consolidated military service levy based on the annual output in terms of rice (kokudaka 石高) of their domains. In this essay, the author will take up the process of how daimyo, who had not yet dismantled the castles and forts, built within their domains by warlords, during the previous Sengoku period (1467-1568), were able to muster the great amount of men and provisions for the Korean expedition. For this purpose, the Shimazu Family (島津氏) of Kyushu (九州), who played a leading role in the invasion, will be taken as a case in point. Actually, the Shimazu Family was not able to provide a military force for the initial maneuvers involved in the first expedition to Korea (1592-1595), and was, therefore, called upon to carry "Japan's greatest follow-up campaign." For this purpose, a land survey was carried out by a Toyotomi functionary, Ishida Mitsunari (石田三成), with an aim to significantly increase the directly held domains of the Shimazu Family. However, such a plan was nipped in the bud due to the resistance, forthcome from various classes of Shimazu subjects in response to the re-apportionment of fiefs effected by the Ishida survey. As a result, 78,000 koku 石 of the Shimazu holdings, valued at a total 200,000 koku, went into fallow due to an insuffiicience of cultivators. What this all means is that the original intent of Hideyoshi's land surveys (Taiko Kenchi 太閤検地), that is, the creation of direct daimyo holdings capable of satisfying the need for military provisions, as well as the formation of an enfeoffed entourage capable to shoulder the burden of military service, were, in a word, thwarted. Being unable to answer the call to arms, and faced with possible relocation out of Kyushu or even fall from daimyo status, the Shimazu were driven to expediency. Therefore, with promises of fief appropriations, they demanded such groups as locally based samurais (jizamurai 地侍) within their domains and direct vassals desiring additions in their holdings, to stand as the Shimazu force for the invasion of Korea. This demand was answered by a self-provisioned army, composed of such people as the former vassals of families, who had previously opposed the Shimazu and had fallen, vassals who had lost a good portion of their fiefs as a result of the Shimazu's pledge of allegiance to the Toyotomi Family, and local samurais who had been amassing military power while pracficing agricultural management. While, on the surface, the military forces under the Toyotomi regime were to be supported by funds from the public coffers, in the case of the Shimazu Family, whose direct holdings were incapable of provisioning a standing army, it to muster all voluntary self-provisioned force was the only possible alternative. In this very fact lies the proof to negate the conventionally held opinion that the military forces mustered by the Shimazu Family and other families of daimyo status for the Korean expeditions, were standing armies of military men completely separated from agricultural activities (heino bunri 兵農分離). Despite being the object of a thorough cadastre carried out by the central regime, the Shimazu domains still widely maintained local samurai status holders unremoved from agrarian responsibilities ; and rather than daimyo power working to negate these soldier-farmers, it actually strove to garner their support in meeting the military service demanded by the Toyotomi regime. Later, between the years 1611 and 1614, the Shimazu were to carry out their own land surveys and promulgate (in 1611) a set of restrictions ordering the separation of soldier and peasant. However, despite this, some of samurai rank throughout the Tokugawa feudal (bakuhan 幕藩) system still, in rare cases, set up camp in agrarian villages, and took the lead in

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  • 薩摩藩外城制度の研究(一)
    原口 虎雄
    法制史研究
    1986年 1986 巻 36 号 77-142,en4
    発行日: 1987/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    Tojo, or outer-castle, system in Satsuma is unique in Japan under the Baku-Han Regime. The system was the basic unit in Satsuma's social structure. The system survived the enforcement of "Genna-no-ikkoku-ichijorei" (Order of Bakufu restricting the number of castles to one in each han). This paper is an attempt to give an account of the process of its establishment and consider the implications of the functions of such a system of social organization on Satsuma's internal and external policy.
    Tojo-system was a social institution with decentralized military deployment. Under this system Shimazu, the feudal Lord of Satsuma, divided its territory into 113 districts. The administrative functions were performed by the distinctive samurai-group headed by jito. The office of jito was called "jito-kariya", and the zone of residence for the samurai group was named "funioto". The jito was entitled to serve as the commander who could mobilize the samurai group to form an army corp at an emergency. In Satsuma all the samurai, except for about 5, 000 Kagoshima jokashi (the castle town samurai), resided in fumoto living on farming. Those samurai were earlier called Tojo-shuju, or goshi later. The Tojo zones were not the same as those in the age of the Warring States. Most of them were settled in the early part of the Tokugawa Era under the new system that had replaced the older one.
    The Tojo-system was constructed incrementally in the process of Shimazu's integration of three shu, or provinces: Satsuma, Osumi and Hyuga. There is some reasonable ground for identifying the year of the establishment of this system as around the fifth year of Keicho (1600).
    The Shimazu family founded its dictatorship in 1600 after the long battles that ravaged the area since 1526 when Takahisa succeeded the dynasty. The Shimazu successively conquered the antagonistic local clans in the domain, with the final battle ending in the defeat of Ijuin Kogan (Shonai-no-ran, 1599-1600).
    Around the mid-1590s Toyotomi Hideyoshi, the Grand Warrior Lord of the nation, ordered a land survey (1594-1595), which benefited the Shimazu as they conducted-a large-scale replacement of the leading vassals to achieve their hegemony.
    As a step toward integration the Shimazu started to build new Tojo as well as to re-arrange the existing ones throughout the territories. Because of their strategic importance the Tojo at the border, such as Izumi on the gateway to Higo, Okuchi to Kuma, and Takaoka and Shibushi to Hyuga, commanded Shimazu's most serious attention. Shimazu placed his most trusted and influential samurai heads to those places where they promoted drastic social reforms and set up a strict control system for the trans-border traffic.
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