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  • 篳篥指孔譜の起源説に対する疑問および工尺譜の起源に関する新説
    左 継承
    東洋音楽研究
    1993年 1993 巻 56 号 29-48,L5
    発行日: 1993/08/31
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    A wrong theory has been spread for the origin of HICHIRIKI-fu ever since the late 17th century up to now in Japan. On the other hand, various theories have been made in China for the origin of FU-JI (notes) of KOSHAKU-fu, which is still a mystery. The present study aims at correcting the former thoery as well as giving an explicit explanation for the latter.
    The present paper consists of two chapters. Chapter 1 compares “Nakahara rosei sho ⌈_??__??__??__??__??_⌋”, the Japanese old HICHRIKI score and the noting of KOSHAKU-fu, and shows that they share the following characteristics:
    -the number of notes (FU-ji)
    -the shape of the rhythm-indicating black dots and the white circles
    -vertical noting in two lines
    -prcsence of similar black dots between lines
    Chapter 2 introduces a new theory for the origin of these notes.
    “GAKKAROKU ⌈_??__??__??_⌋” says HICHIRIKI SHIKO-fu originates from the Chinese HICHIRIKI-fu (KOSHAKU-fu). A comparison of the notes in HICHIRIKI SHIKO-fu and those in “JINCHIYOROKU ⌈_??__??__??__??_⌋”, “KYOKUNSHO ⌈_??__??__??_⌋”, and a careful examination of notes on the pipes of old sho and u in SHOSOIN, “TENPYO BIWA-fu ⌈_??__??__??__??__??_⌋”, “GOGEN BIWA-fu ⌈_??__??__??__??__??_⌋” “TONKO BIWA-fu ⌈_??__??__??__??__??_⌋”, and “HAKUGATEKI-fu ⌈_??__??__??__??_⌋” showed similarity between the notes of HICHIRIKI SHIKO-fu and those of the Tang music scores mentioned above. Thus, HICHIRIKI SIKO-fu does not derive from the note of KOSHAKU-fu, but those of traditional Tang HICHIRIKI SHIKO-fu, It is apparent that the theory given by Suehisa Abe is wrong by these examples.
    On the other hand, there has been some theories on the origin of the notes (FU-JI) in KOSHAKU-fu; the one in “Chugoku ongakushiron-jutsuko ⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋”, the other found in “Chugoku ongaku shiten ⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋” and “Chugoku daihyakka zensho ⌈_??__??__??__??__??__??__??_⌋”, which says KOSHAKU-fu is completed in Ming-Shing era, but it originates back to TOJINDAIKYOKU-fu through ZOKUJI-fu in the Southern Song. This paper gives a new theory, in which the notes (FU-JI) in KOSHAKU-fu is based on HICHIRIKI-fu. The following are the evidene:
    1. The number of the notes are the same in these two scores.
    2. The shape of the 5 notes out of 10 is common to both.
    3. They both had 10 notes in the beginning, but the both reduced to 9 in modern period.
    4. Many notes share the same pitch in the both scores.
    It is assumed that the notes in KOSHAKU-fu were formed at the end of Tang period, since GODAI poems suggested its origin, and also its description appears for the first time in the Northern Song period.
  • 楊 禾, 衣 犁
    多文化関係学
    2009年 6 巻 99-110
    発行日: 2009年
    公開日: 2017/03/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    「中国音楽の生きた化石」といわれる納西古楽は、中国雲南省にある納西族の民間音楽である。経営会社化した「麗江大研納西古楽会」は、演奏会を観光客に向けて催し、また、国内外での公演や演説によって国際的認知度が高まっている。唐代の道教の読経音楽と宋元時代の儒家の細楽が納西族に伝承されてきたこと、中原で失われた
    工尺譜
    はまだ使われていることは、国内外の研究者や旅行者に注目されている。しかし、納西古楽は漢族の音楽学者の間では受け入れられず、様々な論争が起きている。 2003年10月に発行されたC研究院主催の『芸術評論』創刊号には、音楽理論家B氏が執筆した「『納西古楽』とは何ものだ」という文章が掲載された。文章に言及された納西古楽会長A氏は名誉毀損を理由にB氏と『芸術評論』雑誌社を訴えた。本論文は、納西古楽に関する当事者各自の主張と裁判所の判断について記述し、観光少数民族音楽が、商業的伝承活動の実践家や民族音楽学家によってどのようにみられているかを探る。そして、本案の考察により、多民族国家である中国において、少数民族と漢民族同士がいかに協力し、多文化の「共生」・「共栄」を構築していくのか、また消滅の危機に瀕している伝統芸能はどのような形で、どのような方法で残されていくのかなどの課題を提起する。
  • 北京覚書 (二)
    鈴木 正藏
    東洋音楽研究
    1954年 1954 巻 12-13 号 209-216
    発行日: 1954/10/30
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 陳 応時[著], 山寺 三知[訳]
    國學院大學北海道短期大学部紀要
    2011年 28 巻 3-10
    発行日: 2011/03/19
    公開日: 2018/07/19
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 劉 毅志
    東洋音楽研究
    1967年 1967 巻 22 号 189-192
    発行日: 1967年
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 長廣 敏雄
    東洋音楽研究
    1939年 2 巻 1 号 71-72
    発行日: 1939/06/20
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • その資料的意義
    岸辺 成雄, 平野 健次, 張 世彬, 上参郷 祐康, 三谷 陽子, 蒲生 郷昭, 蒲生 美津子
    東洋音楽研究
    1977年 1977 巻 41-42 号 57-138,en5
    発行日: 1977/08/31
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 三谷 陽子
    東洋音楽研究
    1984年 1984 巻 49 号 71-93,L2
    発行日: 1984/09/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    Nagata Chosen (1872-1937) was a sinologist and one of the last qin _??_ Players to inherit the qin tradition of Toko-zenji Shin'etsu (Ch. Xin-yue _??__??_, 1639-1712), the founder of the qin tradition in Japan. Nagata Chosen, named Takashige, styled Shijun, with the literary name Chosen and the common name Junjiro, was born in the village of Minami Toyoshima, Toyonogun, Osaka-fu, on 20 January, 1872. He studied sinology and was excellent at composing Chinese poems. He began his study of the qin under the instruction of Obata Shoha (1855-1936) and later mastered the instrument under Mega Yusho (1826-1896). In the drafts of his lectures on the music of the qin he called himself the eighth descendant in the Kansai district of the qin tradition of Shin'etsu. Engaging in earnest research into the history of the qin and its music in both China andJapan, he tried to maintain and promote the qin tradition through his lectures and broadcasting.
    Chosen's qin materials which are now preserved at the Research Archives for Japanese Music, Ueno Gakuen College, are classified into the following three groups: (1) printed qin handbooks; (2) hand-written qin manuscripts; and (3) drafts for his lectures and broadcasts, letters, genealogies of the qin tradition of Shin'etsu, and other miscellaneous documents.
    (1) Only three printed qin handbooks are preserved: a part of the Qin-xue-cong-shu _??__??__??__??_ (Qin-sui _??__??_4 vols., Qin-hua _??__??_4 vols., Qin-bu _??__??_3 vols.), the Cheng-yi-dang-qin-bu-da-chuan _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_, and the Qin-xue-ru-men _??__??__??__??_.
    (2) (a) Nine manuscripts which can be ascribed to Chosen's transcription, including five of (J.) Toko-kimpu _??__??__??__??_. (b) (J.) Dankin _??__??_ by Matsui Yuseki (1859-1926) and two manuscripts of Toko-kimpu once owned by Ga Reishi. The transcribers of these manuscripts are unknown.
    (3) Some drafts for broadcasts and lectures madethrough Osaka Chuo Broadcasting Corporation on 29 May, 1927, and read at the Buddhist Hall in Osaka on 2 November, 1935. Among five letters three were addressed to Chosen by Matsui Yuseki, and mention the sources of some qin handbooks. One of the three genealogical tables of the qin tradition after Shin'etsu is written very precisely with concise remarks on each qin performer, and emphasises the tradition of the Kansai district. Among miscellaneous documents are: the program for a concert in memory of Shin'etsu held at the Kanzanji temple in Osaka on 4 November, 1926; letters of invitation to the concert; an article concerning the concert taken from the newspaper Geijutsu-tsushin, issue of 15 November, 1926; and so on.
    His intensely scholarly attitude towards the investigation of many qin handbooks and the correction of errors in hand-writing in the manuscripts give evidence of his accomplishment on the instrument. The drafts made for his lectures and broadcasts also illustrate his enthusiastic inquiry into the history and techniques of qin music. Yuseki's letters to Chosen suggest that they were close friends and that Chosen was greatly assisted by Yuoseki's knowledge of the qin tradition and of qin handbooks. Yuseki wrote Dankin, a book in two volumes on qin music and qin players in Japan. This book seems not to have been published, but was copied and preserved by Chosen and Obata Shoun, the eldest son of Shoha, although the second volume is not found in Chosen's qin materials.
    According to Chosen's qin genealogy after Shin'etsu, the first transmitters of the tradition were Hitomi Chikudo and Sugiura Kinzen, the second Onoda Tozen, the third transmitter and the founder of the Kansai tradition was Sugiura Baigaku, the fourth Nagata Rado, the fifth the priest Chokai, the sixth
  • 東洋音楽研究
    1937年 1 巻 1 号 78-81
    発行日: 1937/11/15
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ヘルマン ゴチェフスキ
    東洋音楽研究
    1998年 1998 巻 63 号 131-141
    発行日: 1998/08/20
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山里 純一
    日本音響学会誌
    2005年 61 巻 2 号 97-102
    発行日: 2005/02/01
    公開日: 2017/06/02
    ジャーナル フリー
  • とくに西洋音楽関係の訳稿を中心に
    塚原 康子
    東洋音楽研究
    1988年 1988 巻 52 号 43-77,L6
    発行日: 1987/11/30
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article provides a detailed introduction to the musical materials of Udagawa Yoan (1798-1846) and undertakes an examination of them from the perspective of the introduction and reception of foreign culture. Although Yoan is well known as a scholar of European studies involved in the introduction of chemistry and botany from the West, little work has been done on his written works dealing with music. In this article, an examination of his draft translations that deal with European music, and their Dutch-language originals, has been undertaken, and comparison has also been made to his works that deal with the music of the Chinese Qing (Ch'ing) dynasty. Two of his draft translations of special importance, one entitled Oranda hoyaku: Yogaku nyumon (‘Translation into Japanese from the Dutch: Introduction to European music’) and one comprising sections dealing with music in Oranda shiryaku (‘Record of Dutch matters’), have been reprinted typographically and appended to the article as reference material (see pp 59-71 and 71-77 of the Japanese text).
    The major results of this examination can be summarized as follows:
    1. In addition to those of Yoan's autograph manuscripts dealing with music that have been mentioned in earlier research, namely Shingaku-ko (‘Examination of the music of the Qing [Ch'ing] dynasty’), Oranda hoyaku: Yogaku nyumon (see above), Taisei gakuritsu-ko (‘Examination of the musical pitches of the Great West’), Gakuritsu kenkyu shiryo (‘Materials for research on musical pitches’), and Teito hiko tozai gakuritsu (‘Secret manuscript on the musical pitches of East and West’), it was ascertained that major accounts dealing with European music can also be found in parts of Oranda shiryaku (see above). In addition, Yoan copied parts of the 16th-century gagaku compendium Taigen-sho, and possessed for reference purposes Onritsu-ron (‘Treatise on musical pitch’) of the Japanese Edo-period Confucian scholar Kondo Seigai. All of Yoan's manuscripts dealing with music are first drafts, and it is clear that he was not a specialist in musical matters. The materials are valuable, however, since there are no other materials from the late Edo period of this scope that are indicative in concrete terms of the various aspects of the contemporary reception of foreign music, especially that of Europe.
    2. The musical materials of Yoan dealt with in this article can be broadly divided into three groups: manuscripts dealing with music of Qing (Ch'ing) dynasty China; draft translations dealing with European music; and Japanese materials on musical pitch either copied or used as reference sources.
    3. Comparison of the two groups of materials dealing with non-Japanese music has shown that those dealing with the music of China are more practical, reflecting Yoan's contact with actual musical activity, since they include traced diagrams of instruments and a collection of texts with musical notation (a manuscript copy of Seishin gakui compiled by Egawa Ren). In contrast to this, his draft translations dealing with European music center on explanations of instruments and pitch theory, matters that can be argued without reference to actual musical practice.
    4. In rendering technical terms used for European music, Yoan limited himself basically to transliteration of the sounds of the words in Japanese, although at the same time contrasting them with the notational signs of Qing (Ch'ing) music and the pitch-names used in gagaku, and making reference to the text Onritsu-ron mentioned above. Although isolated in nature because they deal with Western music, Yoan's draft translations can be viewed as a continuation of the tradition of research on musical pitch as undertaken by the Confucian scholars of Japan's Edo period.
    5. The
  • 仲 万美子
    東洋音楽研究
    1994年 1994 巻 59 号 43-58,L3
    発行日: 1994/08/31
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    Influx, mixture or estrangement of cultures from the West to the East violently took place from the end of the 19th to the beginning of the 20th centuries. Following the currents of Sinoism and Japonism, many Westerners streaming into the Far East brought with them the music and culture of their countries. As a result, contact and cultural exchange occured between China, Japan and the Wset. It is of great interest to trace the development of intercultural communication.
    The present paper will focus on three points: 1) after acculturation, how to establish Christian music, and how to incorporate Chinese music into it; 2) in intercultural communication the relation in terms of the influence power of both parties, that is, between the sender and receiver; and 3) how to place this phenomenon in the history of musical study. From theses three perspectives, the writer interprets materials used in her paper and develop a diagramatic framework for the reception of Protestant Christian music in China.
    The writer mainly treat the articles on the Chinese recorder as the materials recorded by the sender and the articles in Sheng-ge yu Sheng-yue as recorded by the receiver, and the Hymns in Chinese published in China as the result of acculturation.
  • 張 世彬
    東洋音楽研究
    1974年 1974 巻 34-37 号 1-18
    発行日: 1974年
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 史学雑誌
    1994年 103 巻 2 号 280-310
    発行日: 1994/02/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 鄭祖 襄, 山寺 三知
    國學院短期大学紀要
    2004年 21 巻 III-L
    発行日: 2004/03/15
    公開日: 2018/07/19
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 比嘉 悦子
    東洋音楽研究
    1978年 1978 巻 43 号 b1-b57,en3
    発行日: 1978/07/15
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 比嘉 悦子
    東洋音楽研究
    1978年 1978 巻 43 号 138-82,146
    発行日: 1978/07/15
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article is a part translation of the Master's thesis (Okinawan Classical Music: Analysis of Vocal Performance) deposited in the Graduate School of the University of Hawaii in August 22, 1976. The study is focused on contemporary vocal performance in Okinawan classical music, of which repertory is believed to have been derived from regional folksongs and developed into the court tradition of the Ryukyu Kingdom (1429-1879). The study is based primarily on materials collected through field research conducted in the summer of 1974. Tsikuten Bushi and Hai-tsikuten Bushi were selected as representative of the repertory of Okinawan classical music. Performances of eight musicians were chosen for their musical reliability and as the best representation of the three existing schools (Nomura-, Ahuso-, and Tansui-ryu) of modern Okinawa. The eight vocal performances are, transcribed with a rather high level of specificity in Western staff notation and parsed against each other and against a sanshin (an Okinawan threestringed plucked lute) transnotation.
    Tsikuten Bushi and Hai-tsikuten Bushi are examined by a detailed ana- lysis, based on a comparative method, in each musical aspect of 1) general form, 2) tempo both in metric and chronometric density, 3) rhythm, 4) meter, 5) tonality and modality, 6) melodic contour, 7) melodic range and tessitura, 8) vocal ornaments, and 9) heterophony. Some of the significant musical characteristics exemplified in the two corpus compositions are: 1) irregularity in both compositional length and text setting; 2) melisrnatic text treatment, especially in a long and slow composition; 3) stepwise (within the pentatonic mode of Ryukyu Senp (5) melodic contour; 4) heterophony, caused by a variable rhythmic lag between voice and sanshin resulting in a variety of dissonances. In performance practice, considerable freedom in tempo and personalized vocal style are characteristic. As in conclusion, the writer considers that at least four points of interest are contributed by this study. First, Okinawan singers are very much concerned with articulation of melodic tones. This highly articulated singing has its own aesthetic.
    Secondly, frequent pitch slides characterize the style of Okinawan vocal performance. The continuous movement across one pitch to another is definitely intentional and should not be misunderstood as inaccurateness in pitch.
    Thirdly, flexibility in pitch of melodic tones is observed in addition to the continuous pitch slide. The considerable pitch varionce of the tone f (as transcribed) is especially significant. The variance ranges from lower than f-natural to higher than f-sharp, and it centers around f-neutral. Fourthly, the musical tradition of Okinawa has produced a variety of vocal techniques prescribed in relation to the body movement of sanshin playing. In this study the vocal part is notated with a limited number of ornament types. It may be due to the writers limited perception, but to a certain extent, the writer suspects that the prescribed vocal techniques are process oriented so the effect of each is not necessarily always different from all the others in sound product.
  • 鄭 祖襄, 山寺 三知
    國學院短期大学紀要
    2005年 22 巻 3-83
    発行日: 2005/03/19
    公開日: 2018/07/19
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 喜名 盛昭
    東洋音楽研究
    1980年 1980 巻 45 号 73-126
    発行日: 1980/08/31
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    Da-hua-gu is a distinctive dance which has been preserved by the people of Iju, Nakagusuku village of Okinawa Island, Japan. It is distinctive of its evident Chinese influence in Okinawa Islands. Eleven men in Chinese dress appear on to the stage in a line and march slowly around the stage, as the introduction of Da-hua-ku song is played. In the middle of the song three dancers playing a drum, cymbal and clapper leave out the line, and dace comically while playing each instrument. The rest of the dancers continue their march. When the song comes near to the end, the procession begins to exit. The last line of the song is repeated many times and the tempo gradually accelerates. The three dancers roll up their climax by jumping or stooping or passing each other busily. At the end, each dancer plays his instrument alternately at intervals, and gradually exits facing backward.
    Da-hua-gu of Iju is merely a dance tradition. However, its origin seems to be traced as a dance drama. Da-hua-gu used to be performed by the people of Kuninda village who emigrated from Min-nan area of Fukien, China. Since the abolition of Ryukyu Kingdom in 1879, the people of Kuninda village stopped their performance of Da-hua-gu. We do not know in what root it was transmitted to Iju.
    Historical documents also inform us that Da-hua-gu was preformed by the royal artists of Ryukyu Kingdom in Edo (present Tokyo) when kings customarily visited Edo to greet Tokugawa Shoguns in the occasion of succession of their Shogunate as well as in the occasion of succession of Ryukyu kingship.
    When we compare the documents of Okinawa Da-hua-gu to those of the original play of Chinese Da-hua-gu performed in Ch'ing dyansty (17-20th centuries), some similarities in number and type of characters and in the content of the play are found. The story of the dancing drama in China is as follows. A noble man goes to the town to kill his time and meets a couple who are entertaining with “hua-gu” drum. He is attracted by the beautiful young wife of the hua-gu player and acts disgrace to her. The characters of this play are four including the couple. This Chinese dancing drama quite differs from Okinawa Da-hua-gu dance of Iju, which presents a mere dancing proccession.
    The present paper also introduces the song text of Iju Da-hua-gu, that has been orally transmitted. The people of Iju does not understand the meaning of the text. The original poem of the “hua-gu” song sung in the Chinese play of Da-hua-gu is shown for the interpretation of the text of the Okinawa Da-hua-gu.
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