族譜は、宗族を形成する柱の一つとして、古くから編纂されてきた。だが、その用途は時代によって異なり、宗族の成員を確認するためという側面が主となる宋代以降に対し、古代においては出自や社会的地位の証明としての意味合いが強かった。何世代前までを祖先として意識していたのか、族譜資料に乏しい唐代以前について、祖先祭祀の範囲から推し量ってみると、王権の正当性を示す必要のある王室以外は、殷代から戦国時代のいずれの時代も、おおよそ遡って三世代から五世代の範囲であり、それが儒家思想に影響し、漢代以降へと続いていく。だが諸侯たちの始祖伝承は、政治情勢社会情勢の変化に応じて、創作されていった可能性がある。周代以降、王朝の始祖に感生説話が付与されるようになるが、漢王朝は建国者の劉邦自身に感生説話を語り、少なくとも前漢の『史記』編纂の段階では、劉邦を古帝王と結びつけるような系譜の創作をしなかったところに特徴がある。

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古代中国社会は身分関係の厳しい封建社会である.このような身分関係は多かれ少なかれことばの運用に反映される.『礼記』(前1世紀)の中で,身分の異なる人の死についてそれぞれ異なる表現を使い分けるように規定している.本論文は『史記』(前1世紀)を対象として死亡を表すさまざまな異形と指示対象の社会的身分との関係,および言語変異に影響を与える他の社会的要因などについて考察した.そして,『礼記』の言語規範と『史記』の言語運用との間の違いについて検証を行なった.

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The theory that the five-rank system, consisting of gong 公, hou 候, bo 伯, zi 子 and nan 男 bestowed by Zhou kings 周王 upon feudal lords actually existed can be seen in the classical scriptures and historical documents. In so far as we accept this theory, we therefore must consider that the Zhou kings, after their overthrow of the Yin 殷, reorganized their territorial domain and various 'tribes' once subjected to the Yin. Although the real existence of such a system is now in doubt, the reorganization of the ruling structure by the Zhou kings is accepted by the experts. This, however, will resort in a contradiction. Furthermore, even if the theory of the 'five-rank system' itself is a later fabrication, the reference in the bronze inscriptions to gong, hou, and bos, for example, suggests that that theory as a whole is a later fabrication. As a result of having examined this problem as seen in the Chun-qiu, one of the classical scriptures, the author has found that only in the case of the hou and bo are their founders in the main members of the Zhou royal family. He has also found that, on the other hand, many of the members of the Zhou royal family were given the titles of hou or bo. In addition, it is observed that after the middle of the Chun-qiu period there are many states whose historical background is unclear and yet begin to appear frequently on the historical scene and are given the title of zi. We should, therefore, say that the main purpose of early Zhou feudalization was to make the members of the Zhou royal family into hou or bo and was limited at most to assigning them to their respective feudal proprithorships. In other words, at the beginning of the Zhou we know from the bronze inscriptions that there existed the hou and bo who were enfeoffed by thd Zhou kings, as well as those hou and bo titles remaining from the Yin kings. This leads us to conclude that the reorganization of the Zhou ruling structure mentioned above was not carried out in such a way as to extend to the entire regions, "tribes", and "clans" under the rule of the Yin royal court.

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In Ancient Japan, the emperor's Procession was called robo 鹵簿. In China, Lu-bu 鹵簿 meant not only the procession of the emperor, but also those of other royalty and nobility. This paper examines how imperial authority in ancient Japan and Tang 唐 China was displayed robo and related ceremonies. The Code of Processions (Lu-bu-ling 鹵簿令) of the Tang dynasty was characterized by the system and the emperor's large-scale Procession. The former outlined the system of carriages (lu 輅) to transport the Tang emperor and the crown prince which differed according to the type of ceremonies. Other royalty and nobility rode in the same types of carriage in which the emperor rode. The Chinese vehicular system was a symbol of the fact that the Chinese emperor was at the top of the rites (li 礼) order, which included social position. Rites were fundamentally established during the Qin 秦 and Han 漢 dynasties to coordinate land, but became larger and wider in scale with many guards on the right and left sides of the Tang dynasty aiming at centralistic officialism and strengthening the emperor's dictatorship. At the same time, a huge number of guards stood in lines on the court yard where the important national ceremonies was held. The large-scale imperial Procession and a number of lines of guards in its ceremony signified that the emperor monopolized political and military authority in Tang China. In ancient Japan, the system of the Chinese emperor's procession was partly introduced, but the formation of the Japanese emperor's Procession and the vehicular system were unique from those of the Tang dynasty. The emperor was the only male person to ride the sedan chair (koshi 輿), other male royalty and nobility used different types of vehicules Furthermore, in the important national ceremonies at the Daigoku-den 大極殿 hall and in the court yard (dentei 殿庭), the emperor was served mainly by ladies of the court on the hall, while the male court stood on the court yard. The Procession and its ceremonies in ancient Japan expressed that the Japanese emperor was exceptional and transcendental from others, especially male royalty and nobility, indicating that the nature of imperial authority, in ancient Japan was basically different from that of the Tang dynasty.

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The Six Dynasties was a period of considerable importance in the history of Chinese painting. In spite of this, it has been difficult to clarify a concrete image of the period due to the lack of extant examples. Thus, past research on Six Dynasties painting has tended to restrict itself mainly to abstract theory centered on descriptions from painting histories and theory. The lacquer screens excavated from the Sima Jinlong grave in Datong, Shanxi Province in 1965 are original Six Dynasties works which can be dated the eighth year of the Dahe era (484) in the Northern Wei dynasty, and are therefore examples of exceptional value to painting research. This paper makes clear the pictorial character of these lacquer screens by consideration of their content and expression. For the subject matter of most of these screen paintings is a visual representation of the Confucian moral viewpoint, based on the moral principles popular in the Han period. Also, when they are compared to works with similar themes, such as "Admonitions to the Court Ladies" (Nushizhen, in the British Museum), attributed to Gu Kaizhi, and "Illustrious Women" (Lienu, in Beijing Palace Museum), one can see that there are similarities in expression and Composition. Comparison shows that three works all belong to the same type of painting, and clearly shows us one aspect of Six Dynasties painting.

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　　“茶粥” 虽然一直都不是中国饮茶文化的主流，但却伴随着饮茶文化、出现在每一个时代。而笔者在研究中国茶文化的过程中发现，“茶粥” 的概念和样态在不同的时代、多有不同。

　　本文的主旨在于通过厘清古代 “茶粥” 的诸样态，通过分析 “茶粥” 概念的历史变化，对 “茶粥” 的实质以及 “茶粥” 对中国茶文化主流饮茶法的影响等进行考察与分析。

　　本文通过实地调查和文献资料分析，得出主要结论如下。

　　【1】魏晋以前至魏晋时期

　　茶粥主流：茶鲜叶生煮羹饮类的 “鲜叶茶粥” 是主流，并且作为商品进入市场。

　　其他样态：“谷物茶粥” 也许已经出现，但尚缺乏有力证据，需进一步考证。

　　【2】唐代

　　变化：出现了 “茶汤茶粥 ”和 “谷物茶粥”。

　　其他样态：在云南等少数民族地域，“鲜叶茶粥” 应该依旧存在，并最终延续到现在。

　　【3】唐末、五代十国时期

　　变化：并非熬煮，而是通过冲泡、搅拌等方法形成的 “茶汤” 也开始被称为 “茶粥”。

　　影响：“以果仁类入茶汤” 的做法，虽然未被正式称为 “茶粥”，但却为宋代 “花草茶粥” 的出现打下了基础，这不仅丰富了 “茶粥” 的种类，还使 “茶粥” 文化涵盖了茶料理、添加茶、单纯茶汤等多个领域。

　　【4】宋代

　　变化：出现了 “花草茶粥”、“泡沫茶粥”、“乳肉茶粥” 等几个新的茶粥种类。

　　茶粥主流：以（点茶时形成的）茶汤泡沫为着眼点的 “泡沫茶粥” 成为主流。

　　　　　　　“粥面” 等词汇成为宋代 “点茶” 审美追求的专业术语。

　　其他样态：“谷物茶粥” 已经很少被茶人提及，将“ 浓茶汤” 称为 “茶粥” 的现象也少了。

　　影响：北方的添加乳制品和肉类的茶粥（“乳肉茶粥”）对 “点茶” 审美造成了破坏性冲击。有宋一代，往茶中添加 “乳制品或肉类” 的添加茶（包括茶粥）成为 “点茶” 拥护者攻击的对象，但最终的结果却是 “点茶” 人气渐趋式微，“乳肉茶粥” 最终成为明代罢造龙团凤饼、散叶茶成为主流的契机之一。

　　【5】明代以后

　　清饮文化进一步成为茶文化的绝对主流，《中国茶叶大辞典》所说的 “以茶汁煮成的粥” 应该主要出现在这一时期。由此，“茶粥” 逐渐被视为 “茶料理”，逐步与 “清饮” 茶文化划清了界限。关于明代以后的 “茶粥” 文化，将留待后考。

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This article supplements the above mentioned article, which was published in Vol. 1, No. 1 of this review. In the previous article, the three ancient codes, Yôrô-Ryô of Japan (8th Century), Kieng-kuk-tâ-chen of Korea (15th Century) -and Lê-trieu-hinh-lûat of Annam (15 th Century), were compared with the present law or custom in Burma, Thailand, Cambodia, Jakarta, 1_??_ Philippines and among the Maccassars and Bugis of Celebes. The following similarities among them were pointed out :
1) The shares of the eldest son is not very much larger than that of other sons.
2) The share of a female child is equal to that of a male child.
3) Importance is attached to the property relationship between man and wife, to the mutual inheritance by conjugals, and to the difference between pre-marital separate property and post-marital joint property acquired through joint efforts.
It is concluded that these, together with other similarities in the family system, and economic and cultural similarities existing among these peoples, justify the conclusion that these rice-cultivating peoples of East Asia formed one cultural sphere in ancient times.
The present article supports the above conclusion by adding new materials concerning ancient Japan and Korea, which appeared to be the most controversial point in the previous article. Main emphasis in the present article is upon the study of the article covering the extinct family in the chapter on Mourning and Funerals in the Yôrô-Ryô of Japan, which was not touched upon in the previous article. It also treats the widow's right of inheritance among various peoples starting with the right of the wife of the deceased eldest son in Ancient Korea.

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