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全文: "思いやり予算"
21件中 1-20の結果を表示しています
  • 我部 政明
    国際政治
    1999年 1999 巻 120 号 74-89,L9
    発行日: 1999/02/25
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The terms of US-Japan agreement on Okinawa Reversion that have come to light in recent years reveal that Prime Minister Sato ultimately gave the United States much greater latitude on the use of US bases than had previously been thought, including the right of re-entry of nuclear weapons in case of an emergency. But negotiations over Okinawa Reversion also provided the US with the opportunity to change yet another aspect of the US-Japan security relationship. As negotiations proceeded on how to dismantle the military bases and other facilities owned by the US government in Okinawa, a new approach to thinking about Japan's role in the alliance emerged. In fact, the prototype of what later came to be known as Japan's “omoiyari” budget, the financing of US military deployments in Japan, was created during the Okinawa Reversion negotiations.
    This article reviews the process by which the US sought to convince the Japanese government to assume the costs of deploying US forces in Japan. The backdrop to these deliberations in the late 1960s was, of course, the US balance-of-payments deficit created as a result of the Vietnam War. Part and parcel of the Nixon Doctrine announced in 1969 was the emphasis on greater allied responsibility for the “burden” of the cold war, and greater allied contributions to the goals of US cold war strategy. The US government argued that Japan's reluctance to increase its own defense spending, along with the growing inability of the US to pay for its overseas basing, made it necessary to find another mechanism for demonstrating Japan's “commitment” to the alliance.
    The problem of how to dismantle and consolidate US military assets in Okinawa was complicated, and the process was costly. The terms of the final agreement reached between the US and Japan have been deliberately kept from the Japanese public. US archival documents and Japanese court testimonials for the trial of a Japanese diplomat privy to the terms of this agreement reveal why the Japanese government wished to keep this secret. The deliberations ended with an agreement in 1971 that provided the US government with more than $200 million for its military bases and facilities on Okimawa as well as for bases on the Japanese main islands. Japanese government not only provided the US government with a lump sum payment, over which the US had full discretion, but it also paid for a variety of direct costs associated with the improvement of US military bases in Japan under the terms of the SOFA agreement. In short, the Japanese government not only fully accepted the costly burden of financing US military bases on its territory, but it also provided funds for the US government to use to remedy its balance-of-payments problems.
  • 長元 朝浩
    九州法学会会報
    1999年 1999 巻
    発行日: 1999年
    公開日: 2017/08/17
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
  • 清 ルミ
    時事英語学研究
    1990年 1990 巻 29 号 13-31
    発行日: 1990/09/01
    公開日: 2012/11/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 楠 綾子
    国際政治
    2015年 2013 巻 174 号 174_171-174_174
    発行日: 2015/09/15
    公開日: 2015/07/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 石田 智範
    国際政治
    2014年 2014 巻 176 号 176_14-176_28
    発行日: 2014/03/31
    公開日: 2015/10/20
    ジャーナル フリー
    In January 1983, Japan finalized an economic assistance agreement with the Republic of Korea (ROK) pledging to extend $4 billion economic aid to the country concerned. Prior to the finalization of the said agreement, both countries held rounds of negotiation on the aid package conditions and, this led them entering into a period of growing political frictions.
    Despite this, nonetheless, a political consensus was eventually hammered out in 1983 over their disagreement and this had far-reaching impacts in stabilizing the political relationship between both countries. Doubtlessly, numerous intellectual researches have been consistently conducted in the above field of studies. Nevertheless, the reasons behind Japan’s commitments to rounds of political negotiation with ROK have yet to be positively analyzed and convincingly substantiated.
    Against this premise, the main aim of this article is to analyze the motivational forces that brought Japan to the negotiating table with ROK. More specifically, it focuses on analyzing the impacts of the formalization process of the Japan-U.S. agreement that served to induce Japan to address the ROK-aid negotiation issue conscientiously.
    The analysis reveals clearly that the major factor that spurred Japan to revisit its ROK’s aid package conditions was its concern over the security burden-sharing scheme with U.S. It may well be that in July 1981, Prime Minister Suzuki Zenko in his summit meeting with President Ronald Reagan pledged to initiate official talks with ROK in response to its request for an extended economic aid package.
    In tracing the course of Japan-U.S.’s political negotiations from the period between 1977 prior to the formalization of ROK’s aid agreement, the analysis distinctly reveals that both countries were politically in consensus on need of the agreement as a one of the critical means to resolve a myriad of their security burdens. Nonetheless, it is further disclosed that both countries derived at their ROK’s aid consensus from different perspectives that were politically beneficial to their own countries concerned.
    On the one hand, the U.S. expected Japan to assume greater responsibilities on security burden sharing in line with its global economic status. On the other hand, partly because of its political limitation in shouldering a regional security role, Japan’s primary concern was to minimize its economic burdens as far as possible and in such way as not to disrupt its harmonious security relationship with U.S.
    On top of this, insofar as U.S. was concerned, it seemed to be unwise to request Japan to overshare the bilateral security defense expenditure which might be detrimental to its political stability at home and which at the same time affecting the credibility of their security alliance relationship.
    In a nutshell, the article explicitly shows that the Japan-U.S. ROK’s aid consensus was beneficial to both countries in term of resolving their differences in the political operation of their security alliance scheme including burden sharing responsibilities. This is indeed the real factor behind Japan’s commitment to revisit its economic aid package with ROK.
  • 佐藤 尚平
    国際政治
    2011年 2011 巻 164 号 164_143-154
    発行日: 2011/02/20
    公開日: 2013/05/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper examines the evolution of the relationship between the territories on the southern shore of the Persian Gulf and the British Empire, from the nineteenth century up to the full independence of Bahrain, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in 1971. Looking closely into the history of the Gulf region, using declassified British and American documents together with Arabic primary sources and interviews, I aim to critically re-examine the phenomenon and idea of decolonisation. Given that the territories concerned were never colonised in the constitutional sense (hence they were called ‘Protected States’) this may not be the most intuitive example of decolonisation, but most of the existing narratives are implicitly aligned with this notion.
    Decolonisation has been studied broadly from two perspectives. One highlights the call from the dependent territories for self-determination as a driving force behind the whole process, whereas the other emphasises the changes in the imperial metropole. The two approaches are not mutually exclusive, but they have contrasting normative connotations. The former gives more credit to the nationalist movements, whereas the latter reflects the European side in a better light. This distinction is problematic partly because it overstates the division between the West and the rest. More importantly, the debate between the two schools of thought, driven by a hidden normative agenda, obscures the centrality of sovereignty in the process of decolonisation.
    Since the nineteenth century Britain had exercised significant influence over the southern coast of the Persian Gulf. For centuries local rulers' legitimacy in the southern Gulf had largely depended on their ability to secure military protection from external powers, and Britain provided precisely that. By signing treaties with the rulers, it created polities whose legitimacy from the outset was dependent on an outside patron. The oil concessions negotiated in the mid-twentieth century further advanced the shadow of sovereignty onto the region by bringing in a new idea of territoriality. Yet, in 1968, Britain unilaterally announced its intention to withdraw from the region and the rulers of nine Protected States were left to decide their own fate.
    The findings of this paper suggest that decolonisation of this region did not take place as a response to the demands of the local societies for self-determination. Instead, it was initiated by the metropole in the face of the opposition from the Protected States, and it was only finalised by a process of haphazard compromise and reconciliation between all the actors involved, including both the local rulers and the British officers.
  • 我部 政明
    国際政治
    2004年 2004 巻 135 号 43-59,L8
    発行日: 2004/03/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article analyzes and focuses on how Japan-U. S. alliance was constructed. The process and products of the alliance are examined by using declassified records of the U. S. State Department, the U. S. Pacific Command, and the U. S. Forces in Japan.
    As the Cold War entered a détente resulting in the signing of ABM Treaty and the US-China normalization, some Japanese conservative and influential politicians proposed an idea, that is, the so-called YUJI CHURYU, which would allow US forces to station in Japan only in case of contingency of Japan. The U. S. Embassy in Tokyo paid attention to such arguments emerging in Japan after the Reversion of Okinawa and made a recommendation to have candid dialogues with Japanese officials and thus review carefully the U. S. -Japan security relations. A telegram sent to the State Department from Tokyo in November 1972 points out that the trends of arguments were based on “uselessness” of the U. S. forces in Japan even though the United States succeeded in extending MST in 1970.
    This review was a starting point from where Japan-U. S. security relations evolved into an alliance that share equipments, roles, and missions based on mutual understanding and threat perception. The Japan-U. S. dialogues at the Security Consultative Committee (SCC) and Security Subcommittee (SSC) that were the highest level of communication channel were a driving force to build up such an alliance. The committees established at several levels under the SCC were to share values and methods for estimating and evaluating international issues. These committees are, for instance, the Security Consultative Group (SCG) to promote mutual understanding on security matters, the Defense Study Group (DSG) functioning as a secret channel at military-military relations, and the Subcommittee for Defense Cooperation (SDC) that became an organ that legitimized well-prepared military-military relations publicly and formally.
    A series of U. S.-Japan joint exercises that started in 1978 and 1980 were the products of the discussions at several committees that established joint military operational plans such as Coordinated Joint Outline Emergency Plan (CJOEP) and Joint Operation Plan System (JOPS). Along with joint exercises at each service level, U. S. Army-GSDF, USMC-GSDF, U. S. Air Force-ASDF, and U. S. Navy-MSDF, three joint-operational plans such as DEFPLAN-OPLAN 5051, DEFPLAN-OPLAN 5052, and DEFPLAN-OPLAN 5053 were studied at the military-military level.
  • 田上 健一
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2004年 69 巻 586 号 9-16
    発行日: 2004/12/30
    公開日: 2017/02/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this study is to analyze and evaluate the American style housings in Okinawa by looking at their reutilization to non-dwelling functions. As survey methods, observations of housings and interviews with residents were used. Some results are as follows: 1) The American style housings of off base were provided by private sectors under the regulation and specification of U.S. military base. 2) By the survey, 3,726 housings are still existing and 293 housings are reutilized to non-dwelling functions. 3) As the reutilization, 3 types of reutilize styles were observed and it shows the spatial diversity. 4) The reutilization process is divided by 3terms, releasing to the local resident at the beginning, increasing of local residents, and extension of reutilization. The utilization is greatly affected by the rectangle shape of the housing as the provision and the reutilized space assures the residents that they make the diverse and flexible life that is stemmed from their autonomous activities.
  • 原 信芳
    現代史研究
    2010年 56 巻 35-50
    発行日: 2010/12/24
    公開日: 2017/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 杉田 米行, 前川 玲子, 谷中 寿子, Todd J.M. Holden, 竹内 俊隆, 岩野 一郎, 石原 圭子, William J. Clark, 原 恵理子, 新田 啓子, 小倉 いずみ, 阿野 文朗, 佐藤 円, 大河原 真美, 蓮見 博昭, 片桐 康宏, 加藤 一誠, 阿部 斉, 高松 基之, 加藤 洋子, 平野 健一郎, 飯野 正子, 五十嵐 武士, 砂田 一郎, 長尾 悟, 久保 文明, 宮里 政玄, 松本 礼二, 川澄 英男, 西川 長夫, 亀井 俊介, 和智 綏子, 望月 佳重子, 鵜月 裕典, 青柳 清孝, 富田 虎男, 山本 博, 小檜山 ルイ, 大桃 敏行, 佐々木 肇, William M. Tuttle, Doris Friedensohn, Stephen Sumida, 粂井 輝子, 有賀 夏紀, Peter Bacon Hales, 油井 大三郎, 五百旗頭 真, 有賀 貞
    アメリカ研究
    1996年 1996 巻 30 号 259-277
    発行日: 1996/03/25
    公開日: 2010/10/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 清水 文枝
    国際政治
    2012年 2010 巻 160 号 160_166-176
    発行日: 2012/03/25
    公開日: 2012/06/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 新崎 盛暉
    国際政治
    1999年 1999 巻 120 号 109-119,L12
    発行日: 1999/02/25
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Japan's postwar security policy has developed as a derivative of US global strategy, and has served to complement that strategy. Okinawa has served as the military foundation of that policy. The San Francisco Preace Treaty was influenced by events on the Korean peninsula. Moreover, in April 1952, the US-Japan alliance was concluded, and the US military viewed Okinawa as the “cornerstone” of its Pacific strategy. Not only did Okinawa occupy a geographical vantage point for the US to oversee East Asia, but it also provided the means for linking the US with its military allies in the region.
    The anti-base movement in Okinawa began to advocate a “return to Japan and its peace constitution” before the San Fracisco Peace Treaty was concluded. After the Treaty was ratified in April 1952, US military authorities in Okinawa clearly viewed the anti-base movement as a tool of international communism, and sought to repress it. But the “shimagurumi toso” (the island-wide protest) against US policy towards expropriated land in Okinawa in the 1950s reinvigorated the anti-base movement, and led to the formation in 1960 of the Council on the Reversion of Okinawa Prefecture to Japan. The anti-base movement in Okinawa intensified with US militaly intervention in Vietnam in 1965, and Okinawan activists joined others around the globe in protest of US strategy. Faced not only with domestic protest but also with a global anti-Vietnam war movement, the US found it increasingly difficult to execise powar over Okinawa.
    The reversion of Okinawa negotiated by the US and Japanese governments, however, was seen as a means of reorganizing and strengthening the US-Japan military alliance. The Japanese government used the 1972 reversion of Okinawa to consolidate US military bases. During the 1970s' US military bases on the main Japanese islands were reduced by one-third, but the US bases on Okinawa went virtually untouched. Today, the concentration of 75% of US military forces stationed in Japan on Okinawa, which has only 0.06% of Japan's total land area, is the result of an international policy of transferring the burden of these bases to Okinawa.
    Again, in the 1990s' the anti-base movement in Okinawa that emerged after the rape issue in the fall of 1995, was a direct challenge to US and Japanese government efforts to redefine the US-Japan alliance. By redefining the alliance, the US aimed to ensure Japan's support, as a subordinate military partner, in a strategy of joint global hegemony. Japan's military cooperation and rear-area support for US military actions in the vicinity of Japan, and the strengthening and consolidation of US bases on Okinawa, was required.
    The 1990s anti-base movement in Okinawa has provided the opportunity for greater cooperation between the Okinawa and Korean anti-base movements. New avenues of cooperation are possible. The peaceful unification of North and South Korea would be extremely advantageous for the reduction and withdrawal of US military bases in Okinawa and Korea. But, the call for the reduction and withdrawal of US military bases has yet to resound broadly among the public, and any real path towards peaceful coexistence on the Korean peninsula, and peace among the countries of Asia, will depend upon broad popular support.
  • 洞口 治夫
    イノベーション・マネジメント
    2016年 13 巻 47-68
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2018/10/23
    ジャーナル フリー

    本稿は、日本の文部科学省によって行われた「知的クラスター創成事業」がイノベーション政策として持つ意義に焦点を当てる。同政策は2002年にはじまり、2003年および2004年には指定地域が追加され、全国18の地域が指定を受けた。同政策では5年間で25億円の資金が各地域への助成金として配分された。この政策には詳細な評価プログラムも含められており、政策効果の研究を可能にしている。事業への参加者は、産学官連携を推進するコンソーシアムを形成することが義務づけられていたが、筆者は、これら18地域のすべてを訪問してコーディネーター、大学教授や研究者、大学発ベンチャーのマネージャー、および各地域の参加企業の研究者にインタビューを行ってきた。同政策の政策的含意を検討すると、日本の「知的クラスター創成事業」が官の役割に依存していることが特徴として浮かび上がる。今後は、大学におけるマネジメント能力を洗練させていくことによって産学官連携から産学連携に移行していくべきである。同政策における官のコーディネーターは、クラスターの活動を活発にするために多くの協力企業と研究者を連結してきたが、コーディネーターが大学での専門職となった場合には、大学が学術的な生産性をサポートするだけでなく、産学連携にもとづいた新たな大学発ベンチャーを迅速に支援するという重要な役割を果たすことができる。

  • 小島 聡, 松本 正生, 明田川 融, 齋藤 憲
    史学雑誌
    2000年 109 巻 5 号 827-835
    発行日: 2000/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山田 健太
    情報の科学と技術
    2015年 65 巻 1 号 15-20
    発行日: 2015/01/01
    公開日: 2017/04/13
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    ジャーナリズムの将来を考えるうえで,その活動基盤となる言論の自由や継続的な事業活動が,いかに制度上あるいは実態として確保されうるかは,結論を導くうえで重要なファクターの1つであることは間違いない。そして前者の自由は言うまでもなく,憲法で保障された表現の自由そのものの体現であるが,それをいかに実効足らしめるかはジャーナリストあるいはメディア企業の<姿勢>に左右される部分も少なくない。本稿では,そうしたジャーナリズム活動に携わる者の立ち位置を「国益」というキーワードで考察し,そのうえで制度的保障としての言論の自由や産業育成のあり方について考えていきたい。それはまた,社会における言論公共空間の確保のありようとも大いにつながるものである。
  • 田上 健一, 上江田 常実, 鈴木 雅明, 本村 政敏, 新城 敦子, 本庄 正之
    住宅総合研究財団研究年報
    2002年 28 巻 191-202
    発行日: 2002年
    公開日: 2018/05/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
     1950年代後半から1960年代にかけて,沖縄では基地の拡大に伴い外人住宅と呼ばれる米軍基地外の米軍軍人軍属用の民間賃貸の米式住宅が大量に建設された。しかし,本土復帰以降は基地縮小や基地内住居施設の拡充によって基地外の米式住宅の需要は激減し,その結果,住み手は地域住民へと変化した。本研究ではこのような米式住宅を対象として,地域への移行の過程に着目し,その成立と展開の歴史的経緯,非住居機能への転用,増改築を中心とする住宅再生,また居住者評価の諸相を明らかにした。
  • 西尾 広毅
    法社会学
    2002年 2002 巻 56 号 234-251,280
    発行日: 2002/03/30
    公開日: 2009/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this article, I analyze comparatively two litigation movements, Minoo chukonhi war memorial case and Osaka enthronement ceremony and daijosai Shinto ritual case, from the perspective of A. Melucci's theory of 'new socialmovement'. Through this comparative analysis, I clarify that a dynamism that generate in the tension between a formation of social movement identity and a conduct of lawsuit, impacts upon develop and decline of the movement as whole. On the one hand, when the litigation is conducted without taking into account on the moment of formation and/or affirmation of the collective identity, there is the risk that the collective identity, and therefore the movement as such, may collapse, even though some fruits are acquired through the litigation. On the other, when the lawsuit is conducted taking into account on the moment of formation and/or affirmation of the collective identity, there is a potential for generating new movements through legal technical refinements in that lawsuit, even if the lawsuit is end up with losing.
  • 徳永 哲也
    生命倫理
    1999年 9 巻 1 号 108-115
    発行日: 1999/09/13
    公開日: 2017/04/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    本論稿は、環境倫理と生命倫理に共通する問題として「コスト」を論じ、我々の生命圏の維持を負担費用への覚悟のもち方から考えることを目的とする。環境経済学では「外部不経済を内部化する」という言い方がされるが、環境倫理の根本的視座としては、地球環境にもはや「外部」はないことを、そして「内部化」の責任分担者として一般市民消費者にも役割があることを確認する必要がある。先進国と発展途上国との、都市住民と地方住民との差別構造を見据え、地域生活から地球環境を展望すること、そして自らのコスト分担も含めて地域の環境自治を担うことが、我々には求められるし、そうした営みは各地に芽生えつつある。生命倫理においても、例えば出生前診断のコストベネフィット論は、分担すべきコストをあえて削減することによってかえって我々の生存の幅を狭めてしまうという危険性がある。内外の生命環境を維持していく費用として、「生命圏安全保障費」なるものを我々は背負っていくことを考えるべきではないか。
  • 金子 熊夫
    日本原子力学会誌
    1994年 36 巻 9 号 829-836
    発行日: 1994/09/30
    公開日: 2010/03/08
    ジャーナル フリー
    北朝鮮の核開発疑惑は,日本人の「核」問題に対する意識を変えつつあるかに見えるが,海外では日本自身の核武装疑惑がしきりに囁かれている。さらに,来春に迫った核不拡散条約(NPT)の延長問題に加えて,核兵器使用の違法化問題も話題となっているが,日本人としては,違法性を主張する以上は,日米安保条約に基づく「核の傘」への依存体制そのものを見直すべきではないか。また,北朝鮮問題の抜本的解決策として「北東アジア非核化条約」構想の実現を図るべきではないか。最後に日本のプルトニウム計画については,透明性をさらに高め,内外の理解を得る努力がさらに必要であろう。
  • 大久保 加奈子
    社会言語科学
    2013年 16 巻 1 号 127-138
    発行日: 2013/09/30
    公開日: 2017/05/02
    ジャーナル フリー
    日本語の引用表現では,「と」や「って」などの引用マーカーを用いた形式が典型とされることが多いが,本稿では,引用部分の直後に引用マーカーや伝達動詞が付かず,いったん切れた後で次のことばが続く「ゼロ型引用表現」について,政治家による演説をデータとして用い,どのような談話の流れの中で,どのような目的で用いられるのかに注目して分析する.ゼロ型引用表現は,他者の発言内容を客観的に報告することを求められるような状況において使用すると相手に違和感を与えてしまう表現であるが,他者のことばを題目として取りたててそのことばに対する評価を述べ,他者のことばに対する評価を聞き手と共有しようとする際や,他者のことばを臨場感豊かに生き生きと描き,聞き手を物語の世界に引きこむような際に用いられていた.
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