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  • ―その日本化の様相―
    河添 房江, 齋藤 希史, 山田 尚子, 勝浦 令子, 山本 登朗
    中古文学
    2017年 100 巻 75-136
    発行日: 2017/11/30
    公開日: 2019/05/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 阿部 幸信
    史学雑誌
    1998年 107 巻 10 号 1723-1748,1880-
    発行日: 1998/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    It is well known that granting yinshou 印綬 (a seal with a sash attached) indicated an official appointment during the Han
    period, but the actual function of yinshou and the system by which it was granted are not very clear.This paper examines why the Han dynasty granted yinshou to its bureaucrats and what kind of function yinshou performed. The key to examing the meaning behind the granting of yinshou is cigao 賜告 (sick leave specially allowed bureaucrats of the erqianshi 二千石 class).Bureaucrats with cigao were allowed to return home (guijia 帰家) holding yinshou and lead their subordinates.OGATA Isamu 尾形勇, who has verified the idea of an oppositional structure between gong 公 (the public sector) and si 私 (the private sector), explains that the word 'guijia' means leaving the gong-sector and returning to the si-sector.It is said that yinshou was the mark of appointment, in the gong-sector, but this view conflicts with holding yinshou while on cigao.Therefore, the author argues that yinshou was not granted in order to indicate official appointment.On the other hand, appointments that did not indicate class differences was not granted yinshou. Eventually, to lead subordinates in the gong-sector, bureaucrats a llowed cigao had to hold yinshou despite being in the si-sector. Holding yinshou while on cigao shows us that a person who belonged to si-sector could lead subordinates in the gong-sector by virtue of yinshou-i.e., sikokukouzou (a constitution resembling cigao) according to the author.All feng-jun 封君 of the Han dynasty were under the same system structure, indicating that the Han empire ran in contradiction, since it formally governed based on the fengianzhi 封建制 system, but in reality was based on the junxianzhi 郡県制 system.
  • 岡部 毅史
    史学雑誌
    2009年 118 巻 1 号 1-33
    発行日: 2009/01/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the fourth month of Zhongdatong 中大通 3(531), about thirty years after the Qi 斉 dynasty of the Southern Dynasties had been replaced by the Liang 梁 and at a time when the realm was at peace, the emperor Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (Wudi 武帝) was confronted with the question of choosing a successor. His eldest son Xiao Tong 薫統 (Zhaoming Taizi 昭明太子), the crown prince, had died suddenly at the early age of thirty one. At the time, the major contender for the position of successor to the throne was considered to be Xiao Tong's eldest son Xiao Huan 蕭歓. But after the position of crown prince had been left vacant for about three months, it was to much surprise Wudi's third son Xiao Gang 蕭綱 -Xiao Tong's uterine brother and the subsequent emperor Jian-wen-di 簡文帝 who was designated crown prince by Wudi. This deviated from the principles of the contemporary inheritance system, and it has generally been considered that this investiture of Xiao Gang as crown prince, which caused popular disquiet, had its origin in antagonism between Wudi and Xiao Tong and became one of the causes of the political upheavals towards the end of the Liang. But it can hardly be said that there has until now been adequate discussion of Wudi's intentions in reaching what was an extremely important political decision, namely, the nomination of crown prince. In this article, I undertake an analysis of the background to this incident and examine the reasons for Xiao Gang's investiture as crown prince. In doing so, I ascertain the nature of the institution of crown prince from the Qin 秦 and Han
    through to the Northern and Southern Dynasties and touch on the characteristics of the institution of crown prince during the Southern Dynasties. I do this because it is to be supposed that, through an examination of the background to and characteristics of this political question, some light may be shed on the distinctive nature of the crown prince during the Six Dynasties and also on the historical position in which crown princes found themselves in ancient China.
  • 王 勇華
    史学雑誌
    2000年 109 巻 4 号 560-580
    発行日: 2000/04/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 伊藤 通弘
    紙パ技協誌
    1996年 50 巻 8 号 1192
    発行日: 1996/08/01
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 楯身 智志
    史学雑誌
    2012年 121 巻 3 号 323-356
    発行日: 2012/03/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Former Han Dynasty adopted a system of territorial administration that blended an earlier system of commanderies and counties with feudalistic institutions, as the administration of regions lying east of Hangu 函谷 Pass was completely entrusted to marquises and princes affiliated with the imperial family. However, it is generally understood that following the revolt of the seven kingdoms, including Wu 呉 and Chu 楚, during the first year of the reign of sixth emperor Jingdi 景帝, those marquises and princes were deprived of their power and became no more than nominal rulers. But was this really the case? In this article, the author examines from various perspectives the post of chamberlain for the imperial clan (zongzheng 宗正), who oversaw the imperial household, and thereby probe the reasoning behind the continuing enfeoffment of marquises and princes even after the reign of Wudi 武帝. The investigation yields the following conclusions. First, the main duty of the zongzheng was to be abreast of all information related to the imperial family by preparing and maintaining a genealogy. Secondly, a member of the Liu 劉 imperial family was invariably appointed zongzheng, because his duty was to act as intermediary between the imperial household and the families of its marquises and princes, who could at anytime turn against the emperor. Consequently, great importance was attached to the backgrounds of potential zongzheng during selection, while various politicians sought to exercise their influence in appointing to the post a blood relation of those marquises and princes who were capable of interceding between them and the imperial household. Finally the reason why zongzheng were selected mainly from a family only distantly related by blood to the emperor was that throughout the Former Han period, tension often arose between the emperor and the families of his brothers; therefore, use had to be made of the authority exercised by more distantly related marquises and princes. This shows that even after Wudi's reign, when the marquises and princes lost real power, they retained a certain degree of influence on imperial politics, forcing the emperor to be ever aware of their movements. If these findings are indeed accurate, there is room to reexamine the opinion that the marquises and princes had become no more than nominal rulers from the time of Wudi's reign. They also provide a key to further considering the question of why the Former Han Dynasty was compelled to assume the outward veneer of a federation of aristocratic fiefdoms, while aiming at a system of unified, central rule under the emperor.
  • ――『日本書紀』の読みの基底を考える――
    松田 浩
    日本文学
    2018年 67 巻 1 号 2-12
    発行日: 2018/01/10
    公開日: 2023/02/08
    ジャーナル フリー

    『古事記』『日本書紀』の両書は崇神天皇を「〈ハツクニシラス〉天皇」の称辞を以て讃えている。両書の語る崇神天皇の事績は、いずれも大物主神を中心とする神祇祭祀の確立と諸国の平定、そして「男の弭の調・女の手末の調」と呼ばれる物納租税制度の成立の三要素によって構成されており、その要素自体は等しい。しかし、それらを語る記述には看過できない相違がある。本稿では、『日本書紀』の記述に焦点を当てつつ、その相違を成り立たせるものとしての『日本書紀』の外部を明らかにする。

  • 冨谷 至
    史学雑誌
    1983年 92 巻 5 号 736-741
    発行日: 1983/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 石丸 進, 石村 真一
    デザイン学研究
    2004年 51 巻 3 号 1-10
    発行日: 2004/09/30
    公開日: 2017/07/19
    ジャーナル フリー
    本研究は,わが国の室内・家具と中国家具文化とのかかわりを,坐臥具を中心に比較・検証した。その結果,次のことが明らかとなった。(1)中国坐臥具の床(牀ともかく)は寝台であり,日本の「床の間」「床几」「床子」などの語源や形態に影響した。(2)「榻」は,日本の縁台や店棚形式の坐具と類似する。(3)中国北方の寝床「?」での起居様式は日本と同じ床坐であった。?で使用する「?卓」は、日本の「座卓」の原型であった。(4)?の起源は,古代中国の俎を原型とし,小?子は,日本の踏台や風呂腰掛けと同一構造・形態であった。(5)条?は,日本の床几と構造・形態で一致し,使用法も類似していた。
  • 影山 輝國
    史学雑誌
    1981年 90 巻 8 号 1248-1270,1337-
    発行日: 1981/08/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to investigate the significance of a political practice peculiar to the Han dynasty, the dismissal of the prime minister at the outbreak of natural disasters and extraordinary phenomena. The effectiveness and influence of the Tsai-i (災異) thought (ideas concerning natural disasters) on actual politics are also examined. The Tsai-i thought is considered to have been set up to check the sovereignty of the emperor. Essentially this paper addresses itself to the following three questions : (1)Why were prime ministers dismissed when it was the emperor alone who had to bear the final responsibility for natural disasters? (2)Why were prime ministers dismissed because of natural disasters from Yuan-ti (元帝) on in the Former Han dynasty (前漢) and, in the Later Han dynasty (後漢), from An-ti (安帝) on ? (3)For what reasons was the practice discontinued by the Wei dynasty (魏)? Through the elucidation of the three points mentioned above, it is shown that such natural disaster thought, once applied to the world of actual politics, gradually became removed from its original aim and was used as a theory to justify the deposition of political opponents in the power struggles among the lieges and, finally, even to justify their moneymaking. It is concluded that the Tsai-i thought had hardly any practical effect on the checking of the sovereignty of the emperor.
  • 金子 修一
    史学雑誌
    2001年 110 巻 5 号 926-933
    発行日: 2001/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 河原 武敏
    日本庭園学会誌
    2004年 2004 巻 12 号 7-14
    発行日: 2004/12/20
    公開日: 2011/05/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 戸川 貴行
    史学雑誌
    2011年 120 巻 5 号 831-837
    発行日: 2011/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 神吉 和夫, 金築 亮
    土木史研究論文集
    2004年 23 巻 1-4
    発行日: 2004/06/15
    公開日: 2010/06/04
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this paper, we discuss on the river conservancy policy to make river channels straight in middle Edo era. Firstly, a proposal contained in “KenkaRoku”(『献可録』「水は下より治ると申儀御尋に付申上侯」of Kyuso Muro (室鳩巣), a confucianist, is made clear the source of the thought. Secondly, the contents of the proposal is proved to be a misconstruction of the original literatures, Jia Rang's three policies of harnessing the Yellow River, concerning the river conservancy thought of old China.
  • 越智 重明
    史学雑誌
    1980年 89 巻 9 号 1353-1387,1504
    発行日: 1980/09/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper is an attempt to clarify the following points : 1.Liang in the Han (
    ) period are the people and their families upon whom the government imposed basic taxes and public service, i.e., tien tsu (田租) and keng yao (更〓). In the early Six Dynasties the emperor had private citizens (not nu pei (奴婢)) upon whom he based his power, and allowed the government officials, according to their rank, to have a certain number of private citizens (not nu pei) as k'o (客), exempting them from taxes and public service. This is similar to the feudal system, and k'o may be regarded as liang. We can say that the emergence of liang was a response to that of the new political system. 2.Later in the Six Dynasties the emperor wanted to become the absolute monarch, but he could not disregard the system of k'o hu (客戸) and the powerful clans who contributed to the emergence of the system. K'o became pu ch'u (部曲) in the Northern Dynasties, and we may also take pu ch'u as liang. Those who were registerd only in the central government (e.g. yueh hu (楽戸)) were liang in the Northern Dynasties. Liang in the liang chien system (=the liang nu (良奴) system) had the above mentioned qualities, and there we can notice the formal traces of liang of the early Six clynasties. 3."Nu pei," caused by perpetual flesh traffic, were sometimes called liang in the Six Dynasties. This was due to the complicated fact that liang had a strong quality of pedigree and that the government tried to turn "nu pei" back into their former order of peasants, regarding the existence of "nupei" as unlawful.
  • 谷口 やすよ
    史学雑誌
    1978年 87 巻 11 号 1578-1596,1675-
    発行日: 1978年
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this paper is to elucidate the character and function of the Empress in the Han Empire with regard to Imperial succession. The Empress's political character and function was derived from her being the legitimate wife of the Emperor who was at the apex of the ruling structure. It was a Chinese ideal that succession to the throne should be from among those who held the Mandate of Heaven (徳), but were of a different family lineage. In reality, however, a great deal of effort was made to keep succession within the same family line. The descendants of the founder of the dynasty succeeded to the throne by carrying out a number of procedures which transferred the Mandate of Heaven to them. The Empress, though not of the same family line as the Emperor, had the function of transferring the Mandate of Heaven to the Imperial successor in lieu of the Emperor, if the latter died without appointing a successor. There were three instances of this in the Former Han Dynasty and eight in the Latter Han Dynasty. This type of succession arose because the Imperial couple were both regarded as serving the Emperor's Ancestral Shrine (宗廟) and ruling over his Dominions together. Since the Empress worshipped at the Emperor's Ancestral Shrine as his legitimate wife, she also had the role of appointing a successor from the Imperial lineage on behalf of the deceased Emperor. This role of the Emperor's legitimate wife was utilized in the Hsin Revolution (新革命) of the Former Han dynasty. Despite being a name change revolution (易姓革命), the Hsin Revolution was made to appear as if it were a succession within the same family line.
  • 松下 憲一
    史学雑誌
    2014年 123 巻 4 号 545-568
    発行日: 2014/04/20
    公開日: 2017/07/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    The present article reexamines the longstanding debate over the Northern Wei Dynasty's disbandment of tribal peoples within its territory, through an analysis of the words, 太和十二年, 代都平城改俟懃曹, 創立司州, contained in the epitaph of Yuang Chang 元萇, discovered in the city of Jiyuan, Henan Province in 2003. The author begins with the characters siqincao 俟懃曹. Siqin 俟懃 designates the bureaucratic name given to tribal chieftains among the Kumoxi and Murong-bu among the Xianbei people as well as the Rouran, and is similar to the Turkut Irkin 俟斤. From the fact that the Murong-bu governed their tribes by installing eight sili 俟釐 in the central, eastern, etc. areas of their territory, siqincao, which combines the Hui term 俟懃 with cao, the Han term for administrative center, therefore means tribal area governance agency, which is expressed in the Weishu 魏書, as Babu Daifu 八部大夫 (hereafter Baguo 八国), Liubu Darenguan 六部大人官, etc. Next the author examines the development of the Sinqincao (Baguo) agency. In contrast to the conventional understanding that the Baguo administrative system was gradually downsized into six, then four jurisdictions, to be completely abandoned during the reign of Emperor Xaowen (467-499), the author argues that 1) the institution of Baguo was created based on the nomadic traditions of such peoples as the southern Xiongnu and Xianbei and 2) the four jurisdiction Sibu 四部 system instituted during the reign of Emperor Taiwu (408-452) was still headed by eight chieftains and therefore represented no substantive change from the Baguo system. The Baguo system continued in tact until the 2nd year of the Taihe era (488), when its jurisdictions were renamed Sizhou 司州. Finally, the author investigates the meaning of the abandonment of the Sinqincao system in favor of Sizhou. It was in the 1st year of the Tianxing era (398) that Emperor Daowu established a permanent capital at Pingcheng, divided the kingdom into the Jinei 畿内 (capital) and Jiaodian 郊甸 (outer provincial) regions and established Sizhou for the purpose of governing the Han people residing there. At the same time, Siqincao (Baguo) was established to govern the northern tribal peoples inhabiting the two regions. The Baguo system continued in tact changing in name only from Liubu 六部 to Sibu then back to Liubu until its abandonment in 488, at which time, Emperor Xiowen placed the northern tribes under Sizhou governance, to be uniformly administered according to geo-political (junxin 郡県) districting. Therefore, the tribal disbandment carried out by Emperor Daomu cannot be said to have involved actually breaking up tribal households and registering people like Han inhabitants; but rather signifies tribal peoples affiliated with the Wei Dynasty being placed under the direct rule of the Wei emperor and governed by means of the Sinqincao system.
  • 山田 勝芳
    史学雑誌
    1989年 98 巻 5 号 815-821
    発行日: 1989/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 杉村 伸二
    史学雑誌
    2008年 117 巻 5 号 837-843
    発行日: 2008/05/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 目黒 杏子
    洛北史学
    2017年 19 巻 42-65
    発行日: 2017/06/03
    公開日: 2023/07/21
    ジャーナル フリー
    酎祭は漢代の皇帝が毎年八月に宗廟で挙行し、諸侯王と列侯(諸侯)が参列した儀礼である。本稿では酎祭の内容などの概要を把握するとともに、前漢前半期におけるその政治的意義と変遷とを考察する。酎祭は漢王朝創立期に秦制を引き継いで策定された。文帝期に諸侯が「酎金」を献上し「助祭」する規定が設けられて、皇帝の威信を帯びた黄金を媒介として、祭儀の挙行を通じて皇帝と諸侯との政治秩序を更新する儀礼となった。この政治秩序は、先秦時代の天子と「諸侯」のそれの延長に位置づけられる。景帝期に高祖と文帝の廟を尊んでその酎祭を皇帝親祭とし、諸侯の使者の参列を義務化したことで、二廟の酎祭の大祭としての威容が整った。また高級官僚の子弟を舞人とする皇帝の功績をかたどる舞楽の演奏が加わり、漢王朝の記憶を伝承し帰属意識を醸成する場となった。武帝期に列侯層の構成が変化し、周辺諸族との関係も変わる中で、酎祭も改訂されたと考えられる。
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