本稿では，紅茶に焦点をあて，フェアトレードにおけるバリューチェーンの構造分析を行った。特に，グローバル・バリューチェーン分析の統治構造の概念に基づき，考察を行った。茶葉の栽培・製造，出荷段階では，「拘束型」や「統合型」の統治構造がみられ，シッパーが統治主体となる。フェアトレード認証基準を遵守するために，茶園に対するシッパーの調整力や交渉力が要求される。茶葉の調達，製品加工，販売段階では，「モジュラー型」の統治構造がみられ，日本のフェアトレード認証事業者が統治主体となる。フェアトレード認証基準が含まれるため，取引はやや複雑になるが，フェアトレード認証事業者は実需者ニーズを踏まえた調達，製品加工，販売を行っている。

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Black tea consumption in Japan has almost doubled since introduction of RTD (Ready-To-Drink) tea or bottled (iced) tea approximately 30 years ago. This paper illuminates the commodity-based food system for black tea, through analysis of its five “sub-structures”: competition structure, consumption structure, corporate structure and business combination (mergers and acquisitions) structure, with chain structure at its centre. The paper reports on a case study of tea from Sri Lanka and consumed in Japan, as Sri Lanka accounts for over half of black tea imports to Japan. Japan's increased consumption of black tea is mostly directed a function of RTD production, where the tea price as an ingredient of the RTD is proposed by the manufacturers calculated from the price of the final product. As prices of black tea as packaged final products have long been determined by tea packers, this indicates that these drink manufacturers have replaced tea packers as price leaders, and emerged as a new actor in the chain structure of the food system with a strong influence on price formulation for over half of black tea consumed in Japan. With Japan's significant proportion of black tea consumption as RTD, Japan imports bulk tea at a higher rate than other importing countries. This suggests that Japan's propensity for bulk tea for RTD consumption contributes less to recent value-adding efforts to tea exports for tea-exporting countries; i.e., exporting black tea in the form of final products or partially finished goods by processing them within tea-growing countries.

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This paper explores how tea became Britain’s national drink beginning in the mid‒nineteenth century, with a focus on the tea‒tax reduction of 1853. Tea had been spreading in Britain since early in the eighteenth century, but there was a critical turning point in tea consumption around the mid‒nineteenth century as seen in changes in historical per capita consumption. Many reasons are apparent for the increase in tea consumption in the latter half of the nineteenth century, including tax reform, expansion of colonial plantations and developments in advertising and sales methods. Among these, the tax reform of 1853 was the driving force in affecting the timing of the change in consumption patterns. Previous studies have not elaborated on this subject, but the background of the tax reform and its relation to tea consumption merit detailed explanation.

By examining the report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons in 1847 concerning the tea‒tax reduction and parliamentary debates, this paper reveals three factors affecting the changes in consumption pattern : economic interests in the China market, ideological developments regarding working‒class consumers, and political considerations pertaining to the public as consumers.

Firstly, in the late 1840’s, British manufacturers became involved in the tea market by way of the barter trade involving British products and tea in China. This affected tea prices in the British market while at the same time accelerating political action on behalf of tea‒tax reduction by those with interests in the Chinese market.

Secondly, from the mid‒nineteenth century, working‒class tea consumption was supported by the middle‒classes, which shared ideological views on the importance of free trade, temperance and improvement of working‒class conditions. In addition, Chartists who tried to take the initiative in political reform for the working class also promoted working‒class tea consumption in the course of their activities. Thus, these ideologies and movements formed a public opinion favorable to the mass consumption of tea and contributed to the realization of a reduction in the tax on tea.

Finally, reflecting the demands of the middle and working classes, it became increasingly important for politicians of the time to develop policies with mass consumers in mind. Implementation of the tea‒tax reduction was thus a symbol of this change in awareness among politicians.

From the above it can be concluded that the steady increase in the consumption of tea from the mid‒nineteenth century on, and the eventual establishment of tea as a national beverage, were due to the fact that a broad swath of society including middle class, working class, and politicians agreed, for both economic and ideological reason, on the desirability of expanding the consumption of tea by the masses.

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