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全文: "景公" 斉
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  • 小寺 敦
    史学雑誌
    2000年 109 巻 1 号 1-27,157-158
    発行日: 2000/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The research that has been done to date on marriage customs during the pre-Qin 先秦 period forms an enormous volume of literature;however, no standards of textual criticism concerning the one of the most frequently quoted source materials on the subject, the Zuo-Zhuan 左伝, exist to date. In the present article, the author applies Hirase Takao's content outline and "implicit" structural theory to the items in the Zuo-Zhuan concerning marriage, and investigates the geneologies of the major kingdoms. As a result of this analysis, the author shows that the work refutes the spouses and descendents of the Jiang 妾 family, a representative family of the Qi 斉 dynasty, showing a tendency towards breaks in lines of descent. Here, a "form" other than the form discovered by the Hirase can be indentified for the Zuo-Zhuan, in which the Lu 魯 and Jin 晋 Periud aristocrats, the San-Huan 三桓 and Jin period Han 韓, Wei 魏 and Zhao 趙, and the Jin period Han and Qi period Chen 陳 all correspond, forming a triplex structure. The Zuo-Zhuan contains items on marriage that degrades all families other than the Han, in order to legitimize the Han kings of the Warring States period as descendents of Han Xuan Zi 韓宣子. In addition, the marital evaluations contained in the relatively new tales and dialogues contained in the Zuo-Zhuan negate matrilineal lines deriving from the Ji 姫 name. Also, in pre-Qin times there are regions in which matrilineal blood lines were emphasized, as indicated in the extant bronze inscriptions and bamboo documents from the period. What this means is that checks existed against any attempt to legitimize one's authority based on a marital affiliation with a women with a Ji name, leading one to believe that the Zuo-Zhuan was ideologically opposed to the involvement of women in politics. The Zuo-Zhuan was thus a very politically influenced work utilized to legitimeze the power structure to which its editors advocated. On the contrary, other works of the Qi period, the Chun-Qiu 春秋 and Gong Yang Zhuan 公羊伝, for example, took positions concerning marriage contrary to the Zuo-Zhuan. It was in this way that the various kingdoms of the Warring States period attempted to legimitize their authority by either utilizing marital relations from the past or refuting those of their political rivals, a process within which views about marriage were gradually institutionalized and traditionalized for future generations. Therefore, it is important to keep in mind the fact that the concept of marriage went through a transition half way through the period.
  • 小寺 敦
    史学雑誌
    2005年 114 巻 9 号 1532-1555
    発行日: 2005/09/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Shijing 詩経, the ancient Chinese classic dealing with poetry, contains many verses ranging from popular songs to those sung by aristocrats at their feasts, indicating at what stage poetry was in at the time, what functions it performed, as well as how the Shijing itself came into existence and was compiled. Consequently, the actual places where the verses of the Shijing were recited as related in the historical accounts of the Zuozhuan 左伝 and the Guoyu 国語 were mainly confined to gatherings in the broad sense, including banquets, alliance negotiations, swearing in rituals, conversation, joint military action, etc. It is also clear that very important venues for poetry were communal ceremonies of both a religious and formal nature. According to the fables about how poetry was composed, the place where the Shijing itself was compiled was one of these ceremonial venues, closely related to where the kings of the Western Zhou would bestow bronze implements on their retainers as a symbol of their superordinate-subordinate relationship. During the Western Zhou period, marked by an era of city-states, the Shijing was composed of the oral tradition of musicians, when the Zhou kings dominated the rest of China in both knowledge and technology. However, after the move east by the Zhou, its intellectual monopoly ended as the knowledge and technology was disseminated far and wide by those same musicians to the other states, which soon adopted the ruling methods of the Western Zhou kings. From the last decades of the Spring and Autumn Period, regional rule progressed to the extent of governments with literate bureaucrats carrying on administration by documentation, and due to the fact that the Shijing had been utilized by the Western Zhou Dynasty and the other lords of the Spring and Autumn period, it came to play a valuable political role in legitimizing kingship during the following era characterized by rebellion and usurpation. It was also a time when the Shijing itself went through a transition from oral to written from, as the knowledge of it demonstrated by the followers of Confucius spread throughout the strata of would-be bureaucrats. It was under such a situation, as indicated by the archeological evidence, that during the Warring States Period, the Shijing became one of the ancient classics and changed along with Chinese society as a whole in the transition from the Zhou and Spring and Autumn Period to the world of the Qin and Han Dynasties.
  • 關野 雄
    民族學研究
    1949年 14 巻 2 号 128-135
    発行日: 1949年
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    The worship of trees and bushes has been prevalent in China from remote antiquity. When combined with the worship of earth, it resulted in a peculiar ceremonial form called she. When tree-worship was practiced independently of the she ceremony, single trees were taken as the object of worship and belief ; large or old trees were believed to have souls, and from this belief arose the concept of sacred, or divine, trees. Many legends which have as their subject matter the spirit and magical power of trees have been transmitted from early times and have left their mark on later generations. In Shantung, where trees were abundant, interest in trees seems to have been very strong. On the semi-circular eave tiles of the Ch'i kingdom, which the author excavated in Lin-tsu-hsien in Shantung, we find various tree designs. On the basis of such archeological materials and early documents, the author describes the ideas and feelings of the ancient Chinese about trees.
  • 昭和二十九年三月二十七日、京大人文科研で行われた例会の席上発表したもの
    清水 雄二郎
    中国語学研究会会報
    1954年 1954 巻 25 号 33-37
    発行日: 1954年
    公開日: 2011/03/08
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本鍼灸良導絡医学会誌
    1979年 8 巻 6 号 1-11
    発行日: 1979/12/01
    公開日: 2011/10/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 嶋 陸奥彦
    民族學研究
    1978年 43 巻 1 号 1-17
    発行日: 1978/06/30
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    In a paper published a quarter century ago, FORTES argued that if a group were to be called a descent group, its membership should be determined solely by the principle of descent, and if some other factors are used for membership delineation, such a group is not a descent group. FIRTH countered this by saying that, although descent is important, residence is also very important operationally. Though they had different types of descent groups in mind, it still remains that the relationship between descent group and locality presents an important field for study. More recently, especially after FREEDMAN'S model was proposed, researches into Chinese kinship organizations have concentrated on localized lineages with corporate estates. It has been pointed out that segmentation of Chinese lineages occurs progressively in their wealthier segments. Korean lineages have many morphological similarities with their Chinese counterparts in that they are based on common property (particularly land) and that they take the form of smaller segments nesting in larger segments. Yet it is well known that Korean lineages are not confined to small localities and that, particularly in the case of higher order lineages, they have nation-wide organizations. Therefore. FREEDMAN'S model for Chinese lineages cannot be applied directly to Korean lineages. The divergencies between the lineage systems of the two societies may provide us with some clues to the understanding of the meanings of lineage membership in Korea. From the data collected in a non-lineage village in South Cholla province, the following has been found. The lowest order of lineage segments (munjung) have an average depth of eight to ten generations. Although each of the segments is anchored in a certain village, none of the lowest order segments have all the members living in one locality. It is only in rare cases that the common property of a new segment is given in the form of ancestral bequest, and the common property of a new segment is typically created first by contributions of small amounts from the members and then increased by its management over long periods. Therefore the formation of a new segment involves an active decision on the part of the descendants to establish a group identity of their own to the exclusion of others. The move towards organization of a new segment is initiated some six to seven generations after the founding ancestor of the prospective segment. Not infrequently it is those who migrate away from the centre villages of higher order segments who take the initiative The formation of a new segment reflects the relationship between two structurally different organizations …munjung (lineage) and chib-an (association of households based on a kindred-like principle). Chib-an refers to a range of households whose male members are close agnates. Amity and mutual cooperation are the foundation of chib-an relations. A rule of thumb is that they share a common great-great-grandfather, but it is a flexible organization and can be modified by various factors pertaining to the real life situations. What characterizes the chib-an organization is that it is always in a state of flux which is being maintained by the solidarity of closest relatives. To form a new lineage segment with reference to an ancestor two or three generations back would imply that a part of a chib-an asserts its own identity to the exclusion of the other chib-an members, which runs squarely against chib-an solidarity.
  • 八木 奘三郎
    東京人類學會雜誌
    1895年 10 巻 111 号 359-363
    発行日: 1895/06/28
    公開日: 2010/06/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 瀧 遼一
    東洋音楽研究
    1939年 2 巻 1 号 73-83
    発行日: 1939/06/20
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 近藤 三千雄, 斉藤 稔正, 西田 紘一, 牛山 崇
    日本歯科心身医学会雑誌
    1999年 14 巻 2 号 173-176
    発行日: 1999/12/25
    公開日: 2011/09/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 影山 輝國
    史学雑誌
    1981年 90 巻 8 号 1248-1270,1337-
    発行日: 1981/08/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to investigate the significance of a political practice peculiar to the Han dynasty, the dismissal of the prime minister at the outbreak of natural disasters and extraordinary phenomena. The effectiveness and influence of the Tsai-i (災異) thought (ideas concerning natural disasters) on actual politics are also examined. The Tsai-i thought is considered to have been set up to check the sovereignty of the emperor. Essentially this paper addresses itself to the following three questions : (1)Why were prime ministers dismissed when it was the emperor alone who had to bear the final responsibility for natural disasters? (2)Why were prime ministers dismissed because of natural disasters from Yuan-ti (元帝) on in the Former Han dynasty (前漢) and, in the Later Han dynasty (後漢), from An-ti (安帝) on ? (3)For what reasons was the practice discontinued by the Wei dynasty (魏)? Through the elucidation of the three points mentioned above, it is shown that such natural disaster thought, once applied to the world of actual politics, gradually became removed from its original aim and was used as a theory to justify the deposition of political opponents in the power struggles among the lieges and, finally, even to justify their moneymaking. It is concluded that the Tsai-i thought had hardly any practical effect on the checking of the sovereignty of the emperor.
  • 浅川 基男
    ぷらすとす
    2018年 1 巻 7 号 500-503
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2019/12/25
    解説誌・一般情報誌 認証あり
  • 小川 琢治
    地学雑誌
    1903年 15 巻 7 号 535-546
    発行日: 1903/07/15
    公開日: 2010/10/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 彭 国躍
    社会言語科学
    2003年 5 巻 2 号 33-47
    発行日: 2003/03/31
    公開日: 2017/04/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    古代中国社会は身分関係の厳しい封建社会である.このような身分関係は多かれ少なかれことばの運用に反映される.『礼記』(前1世紀)の中で,身分の異なる人の死についてそれぞれ異なる表現を使い分けるように規定している.本論文は『史記』(前1世紀)を対象として死亡を表すさまざまな異形と指示対象の社会的身分との関係,および言語変異に影響を与える他の社会的要因などについて考察した.そして,『礼記』の言語規範と『史記』の言語運用との間の違いについて検証を行なった.
  • 瀧川 政次郎
    社会経済史学
    1942年 12 巻 7 号 885-900
    発行日: 1942/10/15
    公開日: 2017/12/28
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 永島 利明
    特殊教育学研究
    1972年 10 巻 2 号 27-35
    発行日: 1972/12/01
    公開日: 2017/07/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    Before modern society the handicapped was often confined in the room or watch by people. The midget was worked for the governing class as comedian in ancient China and Japan. Some Chinese philosopher, for example, Confucius blamed dwarf for reason why politician was corupted by them. As a result, shogun or the military caste could not go to show-booth during Tokugawa period which was greatly influenced by Confucian scholar. It was specially in the later fudal society when there were many handicapped who were played as actor for citizen. They had 74 kind of the handicapped showman. Why did they bocome showman? For the first place, they were sold and bought by merchant of person. Secondly, the sin of their father are visited on the children. The retribution was a kind of moral educatin in Japan. Meiji Goverment often prohibited peopile to watch cripple showman after 1868 in order to reform unequal treaty between foreign countries and the Tokugawa Shogunate, but had no policy of social welfare for the handicapped. So they had to continue working as a player. They were not actor and actress until goverment gave pulic support to them after the Second World War. Owing to the Law of Social Welfare for Child in 1947, for The Physically Handicapped in 1949 and The Livelihood Protection Law in 1950, they can manage to keep without playing.
  • 澤田 瑞穗
    智山学報
    1940年 1940 巻 14 号 65-98
    発行日: 1940/12/17
    公開日: 2017/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 髙橋 智
    日本の教育史学
    2006年 49 巻 213-226
    発行日: 2006/10/01
    公開日: 2017/06/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 西林 昭一
    書学書道史研究
    1993年 1993 巻 3 号 3-20
    発行日: 1993/06/30
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
  • -大野盆地の湧水群-御清水
    高村 弘毅, 河野 忠
    地下水学会誌
    1993年 35 巻 3 号 255-261_1
    発行日: 1993/10/18
    公開日: 2012/12/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 竹脇 義成
    環境システム研究
    1995年 23 巻 440-445
    発行日: 1995/08/15
    公開日: 2010/03/17
    ジャーナル フリー
    The University of Shiga Prefecture was opened in April in 1995 with an ideal of ecological harmony with its environment, and, in education and study, is engaged in characteristic attempts, for example, the establishing of School of Environmental Science. Many attempts which reflect the ideal are also found in the facilities of the Master–Architect system, a beautiful lakeside university. It means our University's proposal to what a public architecture should be in future.
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