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  • テレビジョン
    1965年 19 巻 3 号 236-241,166
    発行日: 1965/03/01
    公開日: 2011/03/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 文 浩一
    アジア動向年報
    2018年 2018 巻 73-98
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2019/03/27
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー HTML
  • 中川 雅彦
    アジア動向年報
    2012年 2012 巻 45-68
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2023/02/10
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー HTML
  • 河辺 眷逸
    テレビジョン
    1965年 19 巻 3 号 164-170
    発行日: 1965/03/01
    公開日: 2011/03/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 脱北者問題への多角的な取り組みを事例に
    金 敬黙
    国際政治
    2012年 2012 巻 169 号 169_30-44
    発行日: 2012/06/30
    公開日: 2014/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article tries to re-examine the role and limits of civil society such as NGOs, religious organizations, and local civil associations on North Korean issues. Since the mid 1990s, North Korea is facing serious complex emergencies caused by both natural and man-made disasters, and as a result, the international community has been taking various actions from humanitarian assistance to advocacy on human rights issues. The case of North Korean defectors is one of these matters, in which together with state actors and international agencies, civil society plays a pivotal role. Therefore, I will attempt to focus on the role and limits of civil society from the viewpoint of International Relations.
    It is often said that the role of civil society in authoritarian regimes is rather more limited than in democratic societies or than that of state actors. However, the case study proves that civil society can play an important role in field operations and advocacy for helping North Korean defectors. Indeed, without civil society playing a role, field operations cannot be implemented or accomplished systematically at all.
    In other words, we can conclude that without civil society involvement, North Korean defectors can neither be rescued, nor protected in safe conditions, and moreover they will not be able to resettle in South Korea or in other third countries after arrival in safe areas. As the case of South Korean civil society shows, civil society actors often experience political obstacles when their policy does not meet with their governments'; however, even in such cases, transnational NGO networks can remove or ease those barriers, and promote the integration of North Korean defectors at the field level.
    The North Korean defector issue is often treated as a political one, requiring defectors to be labelled as refugees, migrants, or illegal cross-borderers according to the interests of stake holders. However, I would like to point out that this issue should be understood within broader perspectives and multidimensional approaches. We should bear in mind that the North Korean defector issue cannot be solved if it is dealt with only as a political concern.
    Adding to the above findings, I would like to mention that civil society actors, especially religious organizations and NGOs, should be concerned with the risks faced by defectors when collaborating with brokers, because using brokers may cause other serious related problems, such as the risk of human trafficking for example. Also, civil society should keep in mind that their activities may endanger the security of defectors, especially in China.
    This study does not cover the status of resettled defectors in Europe, North America and so on, thus further study is urgently necessary for a better understanding and resolution of the matter of North Korean defectors.
  • ―北朝鮮帰国事業における総連と北朝鮮ロビーの役割を中心として―
    松浦 正伸
    国際政治
    2017年 2017 巻 187 号 187_80-187_96
    発行日: 2017/03/25
    公開日: 2017/05/23
    ジャーナル フリー

    How do we apply history in politics? The purpose of this paper is to analyze how recognition in civil society, such as perception of history, plays a role in public opinion and parliamentary government. To clarify this research question, incorporating a political concept into the analysis, this paper focused on roles of the General Association of Korean Residents (Chongryon) and the North Korean Lobby and looked into the backgrounds in the repatriation massively expanded between 1959 and 1961.

    Before repatriation movements started, changes of organization structures were observed in the Chongryon and they began to speak in favor of North Korea. Simultaneously, the nature of the Niccho-Kyokai (日朝協会), which had been taking a politically neutral position, also began to change. They began to be a lobbying group in order to support the North Korean foreign diplomacy against Japan.

    Applying a concept of “Pseudo Environment” defined by Walter Lippmann as a subjective, biased, and abridged mental image of the world, this section reflected on influences of the two key players over North Korean residents in Japan and Japanese public opinion. The analysis found a social trend with regards to repatriation issues being manipulated by a correlation of three components in the Pseudo Environment: (1) unified perception of history, (2) motherland-oriented nationalism, and (3) economic rationality.

    Based on a data-mining method, the influences of the Pseudo Environment in the Diet were analyzed. The penetration of such an environment into civil society assisted the Diet members with the repatriation project being recognized ethically and humanitarianly. Therefore, intentions of the North Korean strategies against South Korea were insufficiently discussed.

    The Pseudo Environment lost its effect as (1) demand of mobilization was weakened, (2) activities were diversified among the North Korean Lobby, and (3) information about North Korea was brought by returnees, and gaps were gradually closed between the Pseudo Environment and reality.

    As a result of the Pseudo Environment effectively created by the two players among the North Korean residents in Japan and in the Japanese public opinion, one-sided recognition of North Korean strategies influenced civil society and parliamentary government to bring the mass repatriation out. This analysis also concludes that a nation is capable of controlling a social trend in other countries via intermediaries from outside of its country taking advantage of certain recognition. When we see international relations in East Asia, perception of history is an ongoing issue and has been more complex. This indicates that more case studies will be expected on how history has been utilized in politics.

  • 平岩 俊司
    アジア研究
    2007年 53 巻 3 号 25-42
    発行日: 2007/07/31
    公開日: 2014/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    In October 2006, North Korea went ahead with nuclear tests in spite of international opposition.The international community had made every effort to stop North Korea from possessing nuclear weapons, but these efforts ended in failure. This study seeks to look at the measures the international community had been taking to control North Korea’s nuclear program, analyze why the measures could not work effectively, and examine future problems in controlling North Korean nuclear activity.
    The first North Korean nuclear crisis took place in the early 1990s, and ended when the United States and North Korea signed a bilateral Agreed Framework following their negotiations in1994. North Korea agreed to abandon its original nuclear development program on the condition that the world community provided light-water reactors, which were considered to be relatively difficult to divert to military use. The Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization(KEDO) was formed with Japan, the United States and South Korea as the primary members to implement the supply of light-water reactors. These efforts paved the way for the rest of the world to control North Korea’s nuclear activities. In 2002, however, the second nuclear crisis occurred. North Korea made it known that it was proceeding with a program to produce highly enriched uranium. Subsequently, the international community launched six-party talks involving North Korea, South Korea, the United States, Japan, China and Russia, with the intention of preventing North Korea from obtaining nuclear weapons. In October 2006, North Korea conducted nuclear tests in the face of worldwide opposition. The global society failed to stop North Korea’s nuclear activities.
    International efforts were not sufficient to deal with the first nuclear crisis, although North Korea’s nuclear activities were controlled to a certain extent via the agreement with the United States. North Korea’s nuclear ambitions are intended to counter US threats. If the US–North Korean agreement had not been reached, North Korea’s nuclear activities would not have been controlled within any framework. The current ongoing six-party talks will not produce dramatic results unless bilateral negotiations between the United States and North Korea make remarkable progress. The six-party talks have the possibility of acting as an essential framework to maintain East Asian security, as well as managing North Korean nuclear issues. However, the immediate problem is controlling North Korea’s nuclear ambitions. Given this situation, the six-party talks will function only when the bilateral framework between the United States and North Korea works. Once this development has taken place, the six-party talks will then be able to function as a broader framework for further negotiation.
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