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  • *荒山 正彦
    日本地理学会発表要旨集
    2013年 2013s 巻 S0606
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2013/09/04
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
     「地域文化」の生産・流通・消費というそれぞれの局面において,近代の博覧会が果たした役割は大きい。そこで本発表では,1918(大正7)年に北海道開拓50周年を記念して開催された開道五十年記念北海道博覧会を事例としてとりあげたい。 近代以前の北海道は島の先住民(アイヌ)によってアイヌモシリと呼ばれ,和人(日本人)によって蝦夷地と記されてきたが,明治政府による開拓史設置(1869・明治2年)に伴い「北海道」と命名された。この命名は,伝統的な地域名称の五畿七道という考え方が踏襲されたものである。 したがって,北海道という地域名称のもとで「地域文化」が生産・流通・消費されるのは,この命名以降のことである。こうして近代日本の版図に加えられた北海道は,台湾や満洲のような「植民地」ではなかったが,日本内地とは異なる「外地」という地理的空間として表象されてきた。 一方で,およそ18世紀からはじまった博覧会は,19世紀から20世紀にかけてさまざまな社会状況の下で開催可能な「近代の文法」として世界各地へ広がった。グローバルな規模の博覧会としては,周知のように1851年のロンドン万国博覧会にはじまる系譜が存在する。 近代日本における博覧会は,1871(明治4)年の京都博覧会や翌1872(明治5)年の湯島聖堂博覧会を嚆矢とし,前述の万国博覧会に参加することを契機として,5回にわたる内国勧業博覧会(1877・明治10年~1903・明治36年),東京勧業博覧会(1907・明治40年),東京大正博覧会(1914・大正3年),平和記念東京博覧会(1922・大正11年)などの大規模な博覧会が開催された。入場者数が1000万人を超えた平和記念東京博覧会のような国家規模での博覧会があった一方で,全国各地でローカルな規模の博覧会も数多く開催され,たとえば明治期から1940年代はじめの昭和戦前期までに開催された日本での博覧会は200回を超える。開道五十年記念北海道博覧会はその一例となる。 他方で近代日本における博覧会の系譜には,京城博覧会(1907年),台北物産共進会(1908年),市制十周年記念大連勧業博覧会(1925年),施政二十年記念
    朝鮮博覧会
    (1929年),満洲大博覧会(1933年)のように,外地や植民地において開催された博覧会も少なくない。本発表でとりあげる北海道での博覧会は,いわゆる内地の博覧会の系譜に属しながらも,他方では外地/植民地での博覧会の系譜にも属している。 開道五十年記念北海道博覧会は,1918(大正7)年8月1日から9月11日までの50日間にわたり,札幌区と小樽区の三つの会場において開催された。期間中の観覧者数は140万人を超え,北海道内からばかりではなく,内地や北海道以外の外地/植民地からの観覧者もあった。これは同時期におけるローカルな博覧会としてはきわめて規模の大きなものであったといえる。 博覧会の開催にあわせて,あらたに『北海道史』の編纂がすすめられ,また北海道におけるツーリズム進展の契機ともなった。博覧会の開催は,限られた会場内ばかりではなく,開道から50年目を迎えた北海道全体の地理的空間へも大きなインパクトを有していた。本発表では,1980年代以降の博覧会研究の成果を踏まえながら,北海道全体を示すような「地域文化」や,さらにミクロなスケールでの「地域文化」が,博覧会を通してどのように生産され,流通し,消費されたかについて整理したいと考える。【文献】河西晃祐(2006)「南洋スマラン植民地博覧会と大正期南方進出の展開」日本植民地研究18,pp.18~34.國雄行(2005)『博覧会の時代:明治政府の博覧会政策』岩田書院,285p.パトリシア・モルトン[長谷川章訳](2000=2002)『パリ植民地博覧会:オリエンタリズムの欲望と表象』ブリュッケ,373p.山路勝彦(2008)『近代日本の植民地博覧会』風響社,314p.山本佐恵(2012)『戦時下の万博と「日本」の表象』森話社,325p.吉田光邦編著(1985)『図説万国博覧会史1851-1942』思文閣出版,196p.吉田光邦編著(1986)『万国博覧会の研究』思文閣出版,357p.
  • 窪 徳忠
    宗教研究
    2006年 79 巻 4 号 1274-1275
    発行日: 2006/03/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 辻村 志のぶ
    宗教研究
    2006年 79 巻 4 号 1273-1274
    発行日: 2006/03/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 徐 東帝, 西垣 安比古
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2014年 79 巻 699 号 1211-1219
    発行日: 2014/05/30
    公開日: 2014/07/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article examines the initial plan for new Korean Governor-General Building and then Gyeonbokgung based on the comparative review of Illustrated Plan for Keijo City and Site Plan for Gyeonbokgung. The site plan was developed somewhere between November and December of 1912 and the illustrated plan from June to December the same year. Also, the similarities drawn between the illustrated plans of new Korean Governor-General Building and previous Gyeonbokgung are deemed related to Georg de Lalande's Site Plan for Gyeonbokgung.
  • -大韓帝国期以降(1897-1945年)の新聞記事を題材に-
    金 銀眞
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2012年 77 巻 672 号 475-480
    発行日: 2012/02/29
    公開日: 2012/03/07
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this paper is to clarify how Pagoda-Park was planned and how the character of Pagoda-Park changed under the management of the Governor-General of Chosen. Newspapers and Official Records issued during the Korean Empire Period and the Colonial Period, are utilized as the primary materials. As a result of analysis, it emerged that Pagoda-Park was a "planned park". In addition, it is significant that the park was located in the center of Seoul. In the early Colonial Period, the park was opened to the public and was utilized for cultural purposes. However, due to the 3.1 Independence Movement, the Governor-General of Chosen quit maintaining the park. In other words, the character of Pagoda-Park was affected by the policy of the governmental authority.
  • 井野場 粂次郎
    中央獸醫會雑誌
    1930年 43 巻 6 号 475-483
    発行日: 1930/06/20
    公開日: 2008/10/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 合田 豊, 山本 久博, 藤原 民也, 池内 達, 山中 一雄, 大野 哲靖, 石丸 雅章, 伊瀬 敏史, 内広 哲治, 山本 直樹, 佐道 泰造
    電気学会誌
    2009年 129 巻 7 号 443-446
    発行日: 2009/07/01
    公開日: 2009/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 金 銀眞
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2005年 70 巻 588 号 251-256
    発行日: 2005/02/28
    公開日: 2017/02/11
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this paper is to make an investigation into the modernization of urban space in the Jong-Ro district of central Seoul. Using primary material drawn from a detailed review of the newspapers of the period under study, two distinct dimensions to the analysis are described: (1) newly appearing urban functions, corresponding to "modern" urban space, and (2) transformations to pre-existing urban activities and functions under modernization. Under the first category, new political and cultural uses were identified, along with a new recognition of these novel urban facilities. Under the second category, the consumption spaces of Jong-Ro, the official road for the procession of the King, and urban planning processes are identified as beings continuations of earlier patterns from the preceding Chosun Period.
  • 大久保利𣳾監修、森重和雄・倉持基・松田好史編、国書刊行会、2013年 10月刊、22㎝、201頁、2,500円+税
    研谷 紀夫
    アーカイブズ学研究
    2014年 20 巻 143-150
    発行日: 2014/05/31
    公開日: 2020/02/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 宮﨑 涼子, 徐 東帝, 西垣 安比古, 水野 直樹
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2015年 80 巻 707 号 193-201
    発行日: 2015/01/30
    公開日: 2015/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The focus of this paper is the Keijō toshi kōsōzu (Illustrated Plan for Keijō City), which includes drawings of planned Government-General facilities within Gyeongbokgung Palace. These illustrations offer rich clues about the Government-General's plans to renovate Gyeongbokgung during the period of Japanese colonial rule over Korea. This paper will highlight aspects of the Keijō toshi kōsōzu that show the due consideration had not been given, and suggest that the designs reflect the ideas of their creator.
  • 野村 俊一
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2015年 80 巻 707 号 177-184
    発行日: 2015/01/30
    公開日: 2015/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to clarify the establishment and the background in the meiji era on De Forest Hall. On his second visit to Japan in 1896, of the three buildings, De Forest resided in one of the buildings at 6-1 Minamirokken-cho. This is the building that eventually became De Forest Hall. The three cherished buildings were designed in 1887 by an architect of the name of Ueda who also created other public buildings such as the Miyagi prefecture parliamentary building. In keeping with the set of three buildings at Katahira-cho and Minamirokken-cho, De Forest Hall as it exists today continues to stand on the same plot as the former building at 6-1 Minamirokken-cho. As it is the only one of the three buildings still in existence, architecturally speaking it has significant historical value.
  • 伊藤 真実子
    史学雑誌
    2008年 117 巻 11 号 1981-1989
    発行日: 2008/11/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    博覧会に関する研究は歴史学のみならず多方面から進められ、業績は厚みを増している。このことから現時点における博覧会研究の動向を整理し、その意義をふりかえってみることには意味があろう。博覧会研究は、一九、二〇世紀に各国で開催された万国博覧会を対象としたものがその中心となっている。とりわけ開催国となったアメリカ、イギリス、フランスで一九八〇年代から、日本国内では一九八〇年代後半から研究が盛んになってきている。欧米における研究は開催国の視点からのそれを中心としている。日本での研究は、日本における初めての万博開催が一九七〇年であったことから、そこにいたるまでの時期における万博参加の経過ならびに、そこで得られた参加経験から導かれた内国勧業博覧会の開催にかかわる問題群を中心にすえて進展してきた。本稿では、まず欧米における万国博覧会研究の動向をおさえ、次いで国内における博覧会研究の動向について考察を加えてみたい。
  • 大日本窯業協會雑誌
    1926年 34 巻 403 号 340-348
    発行日: 1926/07/20
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 金 銀眞
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2007年 72 巻 620 号 215-219
    発行日: 2007/10/30
    公開日: 2017/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this paper is to clarify how the urban space of the Central Seoul, especially the Jong-Ro area and Kwoang-Hwoa-Mun District, was changing during the middle and later colonial period. Newspapers and official records of the Governor-General of Chosen are the primary materials. The analysis consists of 3 distinct dimensions ; (1)the process of how the governor decided to remove Kwoang-Hwoa-Mun (2) how the concept of urban beauty affected on townscape (3) the street lamp installed by the inhabitants. This analysis deducts following 2 conclusions ; (1)The restriction of constructing low buildings shows that high buildings are regarded as a symbol of modern city. (2)The street lamps in Jong-Ro district are voluntarily installed by the merchants in that area. This fact implies that they did not forget to be Koreans under the governance of Japan.
  • 水内 佑輔, 粟野 隆, 古谷 勝則
    ランドスケープ研究
    2016年 79 巻 5 号 431-436
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2017/03/17
    ジャーナル フリー

    There was a dispute over the concept of national parks between Tsuyoshi Tamura and Keiji Uehara during the 1920’s, and each made his own “Mt. Kongo National Park Plan” later in 1930. In this study, planning Idea of national parks by Tsuyoshi Tamura is discussed after identifying similarities and differences of the two through the analysis process of “Mt. Kongo National Park Plan”. As a result, the following points have been clarified. Uehara’s concept and resources of national parks change over time. During the 1920’s, Uehara considered national parks as a conservation district for natural treasures and excluded landscape to consider as their resource; however, he regarded landscape as a main resource in 1930. On the other hand, Tamura’s establishment of a park area was based on conditions such as a visible area of landscape and land ownership (prioritized forests owned by the nation and temples, and avoided private property), and to secure a vast size of the unity area. Lastly, Uehara prioritized history and culture as resources of a national park; whereas Tamura prioritized natural landscape and did not value traditional landscape.

  • 金 銀眞
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2006年 71 巻 609 号 209-214
    発行日: 2006/11/30
    公開日: 2017/02/17
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this paper is to clarify how the urban space of the Central Seoul, especially the Jong-Ro area and Kwoang-Hwoa-Mun District, was changing during the middle and later colonial period. Newspapers and official records of the Governor-General of Chosen are the primary materials. The analysis consists of 2 distinct dimensions: (1)the beginning of urban planning and the process of its change (2) the repair of roads in those districts. The analysis shows following conclusions. (1) From the middle colonial period, the urban planning projects were carried out in Seoul based on the urban policy, whereas the Ordinance for Street Planning in Chosen and those urban planning projects had almost nothing to do with each other. (2) The urban planning meant the road repair planning at that time.
  • 青井 哲人
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    1999年 64 巻 521 号 211-218
    発行日: 1999/07/30
    公開日: 2017/02/03
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper focuses upon the selection of the site for the Chosen Shrine, a shinto shrine built by the Government-general of Chosen in 1925. Althogh the northern foot of Nam-san hill was once selected and designs for the precincts were completed by the end of 1915, the government engaged prof. Chuta Ito to make him conduct the second investigation in 1918 and the western part of Nam-san hill was finally selected. This paper discusses the backgrounds of the difference of these two conclusions from the viewpoint of the development of Japanese Settlement and the early Urban Improvement in Keijo.
  • 長尾 洋子
    人文地理
    2009年 61 巻 3 号 187-206
    発行日: 2009年
    公開日: 2018/01/10
    ジャーナル フリー

    Local performances in provincial areas of Japan have witnessed various changes since the Meiji era. Along with the policies of the government, the changes were occasioned by the complex effects of industrialization and the spread of Western political styles and social reorganization. Exhibitions held through the late 19th century to the early 20th century demonstrate these transformative processes. By focusing on an exhibition that took place in Toyama, this paper asks how local people experienced and interpreted modernity, and what kind of cultural transformations occurred.

    The Joint Exhibition of Nine Prefectures hosted by Toyama Prefecture was held in 1913 to celebrate the opening of a train service between Nao’etsu and Toyama (part of the Hokuriku Main Line), and the completion of a harbor in Fushiki. The exhibition was typical of the era in performatively demonstrating the Enlightenment, industrialization, imperialism and the shift to a consumer society. The new train service and harbor symbolized these elements. These multi-faceted elements were also incorporated into the new Toyama Dance which was skillfully staged in the Entertainment Hall situated on the main fairground. One conspicuous image embraced in the production was that of “the sea”. The sea motif announced the emergence of Toyama as a modernizing prefecture whose domestic and international trade was made possible by enhanced transportation systems, industrialization, and tourism in coastal areas. Its semiotic effect also configured the locality of Toyama coupled with the traditional scheme of literary imagination and the classifying and commodifying effects of light, a distinctive feature of exhibition spaces.

    However, such a dominant discourse was also contentious. Amateur singers were invited from Yatsuo, a town located about 20km south of Toyama City, to take part in the production. Historical accounts suggest that this experience left them with uncomfortable feelings about the staging of the performance: it “defeated the true purpose of the Etchu Owara-bushi”. Eventually these Yatsuo townspeople created a dance called Honen-odori (Harvest Dance) to be performed in conjunction with Etchu Owara-bushi, and this modification has been passed down to the present. The creation of the Honen-odori involved efforts to reconcile frustrations arising from lowered status, on the one hand, and local pride, on the other, by assessing the town’s position in a rapidly changing Toyama Prefecture and in relation to the interests and visions of other prefectures across Japan (and its overseas territories). Such efforts brought about a new, reflexive sense of belonging to a Yatsuo situated within Japan as a multi-layered ideological construct. In addition, it is important to realize that Honen-odori imparted a visual element to Etchu Owara-bushi, primarily a musical performance, and thus served to conjoin the cultural tradition of Yatsuo with modernity, which privileges the visual. The creation of a new dance form for the Etchu Owara-bushi embodied the self-affirmation of Yatsuo in this new historical context.

    Modification of the Etchu Owara-bushi in response to the exhibition shows that people in provincial areas were not as passive as generally believed. Instead, multi-layered parties and discourses actively interacted to participate in the vision(ing) of modernity, by creating cultural forms representing identities that were constantly being renewed.

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