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  • 明治初期の博物館計画に関する研究
    河田 健
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2017年 82 巻 739 号 2393-2399
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2017/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
     This paper verified the description of "Takayoshi KIDO diary" about the construction phase of the Educational Museum is as early museum building in Japan. And it revealed the relationship with Takayoshi Kido, verified for impact on construction due to the fact that he was involved. The point that became evident this is shown below.

     1. It is known that the Educational museum exchanged the site with the Ueno museum just before construction. According to the Takayoshi Kido diary, prior to the exchange of this site Takayoshi Kido had confirmed the planning site and drawings.

     2. According to the Takayoshi Kido diary it was confirmed that he was going 22 times to the construction site of the educational museum in August 1876 to January 1877. Not only Takayoshi Kido was in a position to lead the Japan at that time, it became clear that was deeply involved in the construction of the educational museum.

     3. Key persons that has been promoting the business of the educational museum, Education Vice Minister Tanaka Fujimaro, the educational museum curator Hatakeyama Yoshinari, Ministry of Education audit Debit Murray, were not in japan during construction of the educational museum, because of they traveled to the US for the Philadelphia Expo. While responsible persons were absent, Ryuichi Kuki responded during construction. At the time Public buildings were in charge Ministry of Engineering, but after March 1876 buildings such as school had excepted from the project of them. Construction of the educational museum was ordered directly from the Ministry of Education like school. However the Ministry of Education at the time it was in a situation where there was no architectural engineers. Ryuichi Kuki asked Takayoshi Kido about the construction work. Actually Ministry of Engineering of technology bureaucracy Michiyoshi Hiraoka and Seiichi Asakura supported construction work underway.

     4. For construction contents of the Educational Museum, It turned out that there was a point where Kido Takayoshi felt dissatisfied. It seems that he was dissatisfied with the design, because he seems to be unable to understand the structural one of architecture. This is because the educational museum was constructed without technicians with knowledge of Western architecture, and that Kido Takayoshi knew the European and American museum architecture through the Iwakura mission group.

     5. According to the Kido Takayoshi diary design of a "window" and "floor" design was adjusted with Michiyoshi Hiraoka. resulting that window was become the similar shape as the Shinbashi station.

     6. Regarding the external plan, Takayoshi Kido asked Magohachi Suzuki to design. Therefore, even though it is a Western building, outside design became a planting plan of Japanese style.

     For the early Meiji era of the Ministry of Education Buildings Department business was at that time still organizationally immature. The presence of Takayoshi Kido, and the support of the Ministry of Engineering by the connection between Takayoshi Kido and the former Choshu-han clan of Hiraoka Michiyoshi revealed the situation where a building with a new function called a museum was built.
  • その成立過程に関する
    大田 〓
    教育学研究
    1950年 18 巻 3 号 52-66
    発行日: 1950年
    公開日: 2009/01/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 池田 勇太
    史学雑誌
    2008年 117 巻 1 号 123-124
    発行日: 2008/01/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 河田 健
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2010年 75 巻 648 号 447-452
    発行日: 2010/02/28
    公開日: 2010/06/07
    ジャーナル フリー
    The educational museum included the office and the library in time of opening of 1877. The plan in 1881 is an exhibition room the entire building, and seems a finished type.
    The plan of The Kyoto museum exists as a museum project plan planned to a simultaneous period, The educational museum and The Kyoto museum are the flow plannings based on the same idea. It is thought that The plan of The Kyoto museum is transmitted from Makimura to Tanaka through Kido is high, and The educational museum was planned based on The plan of The Kyoto museum.
  • 山岸 常人
    史学雑誌
    2008年 117 巻 1 号 122-123
    発行日: 2008/01/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 明治初期の博物館計画に関する研究
    河田 健
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2014年 79 巻 704 号 2283-2289
    発行日: 2014/10/30
    公開日: 2014/10/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper verifies the circumstances underlying the floor plan of the Ueno Museum. It also explores the relationships among the Ueno Museum, the Educational Museum, and the Kyoto Museum, planned during the early Meiji period. The floor plan of the Ueno Museum is characterized by straight lines that symmetrically divide the floor into rectangles. The divisions formed a route flow line leading visitors through all of the exhibition rooms, starting from the entrance hall.
  • 沼倉 研史, 沼倉 満帆
    英学史研究
    1987年 1987 巻 19 号 91-108
    発行日: 1986/11/01
    公開日: 2010/02/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    Taizo Masaki, the first president of Tokyo Shokko Gakko (Tokyo Industrial School), is most prominently mentioned in “Yoshida Torajiro”, a short story by Robert Louis Stevenson. From 1876 to 1881, Masaki was in Great Britain supervising Japanese students. In the summer of 1878, he met Stevenson at Edinburgh, and told him about the Japanese anti-Shogunate revolutionary Shoin Yoshida, who was Masaki's teacher when he was a young boy. It is not clear, however, what precisely Masaki's main work in Britain involved. In this article, his history and achievements there will be described.
    Masaki was born on October 24, 1846 as the third son of Jiemon Masaki, a high ranking samurai in Choshu. Choshu was a hotbed or revolutionary activity against the centralized federal Shogunate regime, and many of his family were likewise revolutionaries, later assuming a number of important roles in the Meiji Revolution. Furthermore, there were many great revolutionaries and statesmen around him including Kaoru Inoue, Takayoshi Kido and Saneomi Hirosawa. Thus, the formation of Masaki's character doubtlessly was affected by them. When he was about thirteen years old, he attended Yoshida's private school, Shokason-Juku. He became the page of Motonori Mori, the Prince of the Daimyo Lord of Choshu. The Daimyo was cut off from the progressive camp, and so Masaki acted as his mesenger.
    After the Meiji Revolution of 1871, Masaki was dispatched to Great Britain to study modern mintage technology. In fact, however, he studied chemistry at University College in London. At this time, he met R. W. Atkinson and invited him to go to Japan as a professor of Tokyo Kaisei Gakko. In 1874, Masaki returned to Japan with Atkinson, and worked as an assistant professor for Atkinson for about two years at Tokyo Kaisei Gakko. He taught basic chemistry, including analytical chemistry and chemical experimentation. He was the first Japanese to teach modern Western chemistry in a Japanese university.
    In June, 1878, Masaki went to Great Britain again as the supervisor of new students newly selected for study abroad from Tokyo Kaisei Gakko, and stayed there for 5 years. In 1881, he came back from Britain, and became the first president of Tokyo Shokko Gakko (presently Tokyo Institute of Technology). For nine years, he worked earnestly to establish the first Western-style industrial school in Japan. In 1890, Masaki was transferred to the Foreign Office, and went to Honolulu as the consul general of Hawaii. But his life in Hawaii was not long. He returned to Japan in December 1892, and retired from public service for reasons of his health, and he died on April 5, 1896.
    Masaki's main accomplishment in Britain can be classified in terms of three categories. First, he took care of the Japanese students in Europe. We can read his annual reports from Britain, which describe the activities of his students. Secondly, he was able to find good teachers for new schools or universities in Japan. One of these was famous physicist Sir J. A. Ewing. In Edinburgh, along with Ewing, he also met Stevenson. It was during this time, that he gave Stevenson his account of his teacher Shoin Yoshida. Thirdly, he conducted research in the area of modern education in Europe. He worte many articles in Japanese educational journals, including translated articles or lectures and his own reports of experience in Great Britain.
    Taizo Masaki's achievements in Great Britain were important to education, particularly industrial education in early Meiji Era.
  • 三好 正史
    近代日本の創造史
    2010年 9 巻 33-37
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2010/04/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 壽衞
    日本釀造協會雜誌
    1939年 34 巻 1 号 82-83
    発行日: 1939/01/15
    公開日: 2011/11/04
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 駒林 邦男
    日本教育学会大會研究発表要項
    1953年 12 巻 19-20
    発行日: 1953/05/03
    公開日: 2018/04/20
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 村瀬 可奈
    浮世絵芸術
    2017年 173 巻 5-21
    発行日: 2017年
    公開日: 2021/04/09
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 変動期における東アジアと日本-その史的考察-
    毛利 敏彦
    国際政治
    1980年 1980 巻 66 号 128-147,L7
    発行日: 1980/11/05
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In 1871, the Japanese government sent a goodwill mission to the United States of America and the European countries. This mission was led by Tomomi Iwakura, vice-president of minister (Udaizin _??__??__??_). Takayoshi Kido, the member of council (Sangi _??__??_), was appointed a vice-ambassador of the mission.
    Kido who belonged to the Chôshû faction had rivaled with Toshimichi Ôkubo who was the minister of finance (Ôkura-kyô _??__??__??_) and belonged to the Satsuma faction. Kido had opposed Ôkubo's policies.
    So Ôkubo tried to reduce Kido's influence in the government. Then Ôkubo succeeded to isolate Kido from the government as a vice-ambassador of the mission.
  • 家近 良樹
    史学雑誌
    1983年 92 巻 11 号 1767-1789,1846-
    発行日: 1983/11/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    Research papers on the Formosa Incident, which was the first dispatch of troops for modern Japan, have been numerously published from the viewpoint of the diplomatic history. I don't have anything to add to these fromer achievements. But, on the problem how the dispatch was enforced, there seem not a few gross misunderstandings in the former studies. I especially take up next two points for examination. Firstly, it is said that the leaders who propelled the dispatch of troops to Formosa were Toshimichi Okubo, Shigenobu Okuma and Tsugumichi Saigo. And there were basically not any opponents among them. Secondly, Takamitsu Kido and the Choshu faction consistently objected the dispatch by Okubo from the consideration of the precedence of the domestic affairs, and Kido resigned from Sangi for that reason. These opinions are widely accepted. But when we investigate these points deeply, we come to the problem how we understand the policy of the Okubo regime toward Asia. On this point, the diplomacy of Soejima who aimed to progress rights of Japan, is said to try not only the possession of Formosa but the conquest of the whole East Asia. Former researches connected this with the dispatch of troops to Formosa and by doing so tried to make clear the policy of the Okubo regime toward Asia and its nature which was represented by its opinion to conquer Korea (or the operation of power politics such as of Prussia). Against these opinions, I came to the conclusion as a result of my own study of historical facts. The dispatch of troops to Formosa in April 1874, was different from the original plan, which was to send an envoy in order to punish and pacify natives in Formosa, who had hurt the people of Loochoo Islands and Oda Prefecture. This was decided on the proposal by Okubo and Okuma, which Kido and the Choshu faction had consented. But, while Okubo were in Kyushu to deal with the revolt in Saga, Tsugumichi Saigo was troubled by discontented Samurais of Kagoshima, and he volunteered to be the governer of Formosa. The policy to dispatch the troops to Formosa turned accordingly to aim at the possession and colonization of it. The Choshu faction regarded this conversion as the scheme to pacify the samurais of Kagoshima, so they started the opposition vigorously. Thus, Kido and the Choshu faction objected the plan of Tsugumichi Saigo but not the original plan of Okubo. Differently from the accepted theory, there was not a basic discrepancy of opinions between Okubo and Kido, the Choshu faction. As Okubo only intended to dispatch an envoy, there was a great difference in thought between Okubo and Soejima, who aimed at the possession of Formosa. So the policy of Okubo cannot easily be connected with power politics like those of Prussia and the opinion of the conquer Korea. On the contrary, the policy of Okubo toward Formosa intended to compromise the former Sangis, who resigned as the result of the political change in the 6th year of Meiji, and discontented Samurais, and rather represented the weekness of Okubo regime. It is after the negotiation with Shin-dynasty succeeded miraculously, then Okubo regime exercised a kind of power politics, still limited to the policy toward Ryukyu.
  • 松尾 正人
    国際政治
    1986年 1986 巻 81 号 161-178
    発行日: 1986/03/25
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • (思文閣出版、二〇〇三年)
    中 直一
    比較文学
    2004年 46 巻 131-134
    発行日: 2004/03/31
    公開日: 2017/06/17
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 蘭系英学書について
    池田 哲郎
    日本英学史研究会研究報告
    1966年 1966 巻 42 号 1-7
    発行日: 1966/02/05
    公開日: 2010/11/17
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 伊東 達也
    日本図書館情報学会誌
    2013年 59 巻 4 号 133-144
    発行日: 2013/12/31
    公開日: 2017/04/30
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    田中不二麿らによって伝えられた近代公共図書館思想の実践事例として東京書籍館から東京図書館までの時期があるとすれば,明治18年10月の無料制の廃止は日本における公共図書館のひとつの断絶といえる。そこで,なぜ明治8年という時期に無料公開図書館が設立され,それが10年間しか存続しなかったのかということに注目し,その原因について,田中文政期の政治的社会的状況を確認することによって検討した。大久保政権の成立過程で教育政策が田中らに委ねられるようになり,その中での学制施行の一環として書籍館についての施策が行われたことを明らかにした。そして,教育令の制定とその改正へと進んだ伊藤政権下において,教育政策が政権運営の全体構想の中に位置づけられるに及んで書籍館も大きな影響を受けたことが確認できた。このことによって,東京書籍館についても,新たな側面からの理解が可能となった。
  • 日本外交史研究 日清・日露戦争
    安岡 昭男
    国際政治
    1962年 1962 巻 19 号 15-30
    発行日: 1962/04/15
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 高田 陽介
    史学雑誌
    2008年 117 巻 1 号 121-122
    発行日: 2008/01/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本外交史研究 明治時代
    大山 梓
    国際政治
    1957年 1957 巻 3 号 51-66
    発行日: 1957/10/20
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
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