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  • 川上 征雄, 加賀屋 誠一
    地域学研究
    2005年 35 巻 1 号 53-67
    発行日: 2005年
    公開日: 2007/06/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Nakasone political power modeled on the policy of Thatcher in Britain and Reagan in the United States, and promoted deregulation, privatization and the administrative reform. To revitalize Tokyo when “The Fourth Comprehensive National Development Plan” was formulated in 1987, spatial policy such as “Control the Metropolitan Areas and Promote Local Areas” until that time was changed. The Nakasone policy has changed gradually into the measure that expanded the investment in public works from the fiscal reconstruction in the background of the asset-inflated economy.
    In the post Nakasone political power after the burst of the economic bubble, it was in the state of straying to alternate retrenched finance and measures to boost the economy. It was “Basic Plan for the Public Investment” in 1990 to influence the investment in the public works expansion.
    The Hashimoto political power enacted the Fiscal Structure Reform Law in 1997. But the austerity would be stopped before long so that the business, which just began to recover, worsened. That political power changed measures again, boost the economy and tax reduction were executed. “Grand Design for the 21st Century” (21GD) as the fifth comprehensive national development plan was formulated in 1998 under that circumstances.
    The numerical target was almost none at all in the 21GD though that plan had aimed at different one from the former development plans. Therefore it came to plan the long & large bridge project easily because of no brake of the fiscal framework. Moreover, the concept “National Axis Zone” is not supported. However, it was appreciable to have induced trends of today's urban renewal, consolidation of municipalities, etc.
    The environment that surrounds spatial planning like the movement of restructuring of government ministries and agencies and decentralization, etc. changed greatly after 21GD. The symbols of a conventional spatial policy like New Industrial City Construction Law, Special Measures Law of Industrial Development, etc. were abolished as an epoch event. On the other hand, new legislation of an individual field like the Infrastructure Maintenance Emphasis Plan Law and the Urban Renewal Law, etc. continues.
    These series of trends are new currents that deny the sense of comprehensiveness, character of a long term, and the feature of regionalism that the spatial planning has possessed up to now. The problem is how to reform the spatial planning system from now on.
    JEL classification : N95, O21, R53, R58
  • 森 裕城
    選挙研究
    2018年 34 巻 2 号 18-32
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2021/07/16
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    本稿の目的は,小選挙区比例代表並立制における政党競合の展開を,共時的・通時的の両面からトータルに叙述することである。本稿における主な発見は次の3点にまとめられる。①中選挙区制時代の政党競合のあり方が,新しい選挙制度のあり方を規定しており,それが自民党に有利に働いたこと,②小選挙区比例代表並立制導入後の巨大政党の誕生は,予言の自己成就としての性格を有しており,それが非自民勢力に多大な負荷を与えたこと,③異なる原理を有する小選挙区制と比例代表制を足し合わせた制度である小選挙区比例代表並立制は,政治過程に複雑な力学をもたらしており,それが現在の野党分断現象を生んでいること。同じ小選挙区比例代表並立制であっても,小選挙区の数(比率ではない)がいくつになるかで,政党競合のあり方が大きく変わることを,本稿の内容は示唆している。
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