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  • 川合 英夫
    海の研究
    1994年 3 巻 3 号 181-203
    発行日: 1994/06/30
    公開日: 2008/04/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    After the national isolation policy was established in 1639, the building of large ships and ocean navigation were prohibited in Japan. Thus, it is difficult to find old books describing the Kuroshio. By searching and deciphering early books, however, I have found some historical descriptions and illustrations about the Kuroshio. By examining these records, coupled with records in the Western books, I have reached the following conclusion. The term "Kuroshio" originated from a local word "Kurose River", used within inhabitants of the Izu Islands, which indicated a branch of the actual Kuroshio flowing over the Izu Ridge. About 1800 it became meaning the Kuroshio south of the Tokaido District, and became popular among Japanese people by the fashion of publishing maps, local geography, accounts of trips and novels. However, a view of fragmental currents at that period might interrupted the recognition of the Kuroshio as a long current. From the end of the 18th century to the mid 19th, the Western collected information about Japan's geography published by the Japanese and made surveys and analyses of the Kuroshio on the occasion of cruises to ask for establishment of commercial relationship with Japan. Before the Meiji Restoration (1868), the term "Kuroshio" had already turned to an international word, which meant the entire Kuroshio, by the international diffusion of information about the Kuroshio. However, the undersanding of the Kuroshio by the Japanese was not practical as shown in Kanrin Maru journals by them.
  • 松井 圭介
    地学雑誌
    2014年 123 巻 4 号 451-471
    発行日: 2014/08/25
    公開日: 2014/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
     The distribution and landscape of temples and shrines and their functions in the City of Edo are examined, and urban structures constructed based on mystical and religious aspects of spatial design are evaluated.
     The five key findings of this study are:
     1. A city design modeled on Heiankyou (ancient Kyoto) was applied to the construction of the City of Edo, and was arranged according to four directions and their connections with gods. This model was meant to protect the City of Edo not only militarily, but also in magical and religious ways. In particular, large temples and chinju-sha shrines, which were strongly associated with the Tokugawa shogunate family, were placed to face northeast/southwest—directions regarded as being unlucky—as well as towards places of execution and the locations of red-light districts in areas bordering the city. This placement created an extraordinary atmosphere in the city. Tokugawa Ieyasu was awarded a posthumous shingo (literally, a Shinto deity) title, “Tosho Daigongen,” and was enshrined angled towards the North Star (i.e. Nikko) to protect the City of Edo. The attempt to harness these magical factors to protect and safeguard the City of Edo is one of its characteristics.
     2. Temples and shrines were under the control of the Tokugawa shogunate during the Edo Period, and the Honmatsu-seido (government-enforced main-branch temple system) was established through the enactment of jiinhatto (laws for temples). In addition, members of the public were forcibly linked to temples and shrines through their status as danka (temple supporters) under the Terauke seido (a system that compelled the public to become Buddhists). Through this administration of religion, temples were integrated into a system for maintaining social order as a marginal role in the mechanism of the Tokugawa shogunate.
     3. The temple and shrine estates as a whole were almost the same size as the space allocated for the townspeople, and occupied a large proportion of the City of Edo in terms of land use. Shrines increased rapidly in number as the city's population increased. As a result, control measures were introduced to restrict the establishment of temples in the city's central area, where strong demand had led to a severe land shortage, and these temples were instead almost forcibly moved to the suburbs. This tendency became more evident in city planning after the Great Fire of Meireki in 1657; subsequently, new “towns of temples” were created in districts such as Asakusa, Shitata, and Mita.
     4. The rapid expansion of urban areas in the City of Edo led to religious facilities using their precincts as places to lease land and rent houses. As a result, new monzen-machi (temple towns) were created within the precincts of large temples, and some of these towns developed into entertainment districts, housing performing arts and drama facilities.
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  • 史学雑誌
    1982年 91 巻 4 号 531-554
    発行日: 1982/04/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 川合 英夫
    海の研究
    1995年 4 巻 4 号 315-342
    発行日: 1995/08/30
    公開日: 2008/04/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    Since ancient times the South China Sea used to be the international access sea to China for envoy and trade ships from southern and central Asia and Europe. Searching ancient drifting records about wrecked foreigners who reached Japan, the author has found several illustrations that show transferred driftings from northeastward or eastward winds and currents in the South China Sea to the Kuroshio. They are examined in the light of modern oceanography and meteorology knowledge. These transferred driftings must have contributed to direct introduction of various foreign cultures to local places in Japan. Next, three typical routes of "Kentoshi", the Japanese envoy to China in the Tang Dynasty, are illustrated together with circles of the visible horizon from the top of main islands in the East China Sea, and driftings of wrecked ships of the "Kentoshi" in 753-754 are examined by considering winds and the Kuroshio stream. In November, 748 Ganjin, Chinese Buddhist naturalized as a Japanese archbishop later, failed to reach Japan and drifted to Hainan Island by a violent wind. The 14 days recorded as the drifting period is too short to carry the boat to the Island even if the wind was very strong. The earliest mentions of the Kuroshio stream by the Japanese in provincial maps of Ryukyu (Bakufu, 1646-47, 1702) and of the term "Kurose Gawa" in Mori's map (1752) are examined. Regarding the problem how people in the Edo period (1603-1867) understood the Kuroshio, three topics are discussed. (1) Toward the end of the 18th century, a strange tale of red tides was believed in Hachijo Island, to carry wrecked boats to the boundless ocean. It is similar to contemporary legends of the Kuroshio, regarded as a terminal current of no return. (2) The view of fragmental currents might interrupt the recognition of the Kuroshio as a long continuous current in the Edo period. The view seems to be latent in current charts by Fuglister (1955) and in "Sailing Directory for the Southeast Coast of Honshu" (Japan Hydrographic Department, 1949). (3) Toward the end of the Edo period a ship's journal frankly recognized difficulties in perceiving of the Kuroshio stream. This demonstrative attitude shows the Japanese at that time slowly reaching a modernized understanding of the Kuroshio. A chronological table for the history of encounters with the Kuroshio is compiled.
  • 岩淵 令治
    史学雑誌
    1993年 102 巻 3 号 404-430,486-48
    発行日: 1993/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー

    In den letzten Jahren sind die Forschungen uber "Bukechi"(Grundbesitz der Landesherren und Vasallenhofe) und "Bukeyashiki"(Samuraihauser) in Edo immer starker vorangetrieben worden.Wahrend der Zeit, in der die "Daimyos"(Fursten und Herzoge als Landeslehnsherren) zu einem standigen Zwangsaufenthalt in Edo verpflichtet waren, muBten sie zwar bekanntlich die "Yaku"(die dazu gehorenden Verpflichtungen) selber tragen, aber bis jetzt ist noch nicht klar, wie und von wem die "Yaku" wahrend dieser Zeit der Abwesenheit der "Daimyos" in Edo getragen wurden. Der Verfasser versucht dieses System an Hand der "Bukekata-Tsujiban"(Wachehaltung der "Bukechi" als allgemeine Verpflichtung zur Bewahrung der offentlichen Sicherheit in Edo) annahrnd zu erklaren. Als Voraussetzung dafur hat der Verfasser das damalige Sicherheits-system der Burgstadte im allgemeinen wie folgt klassifiziert : 1)Das "Junra"-System (Patrouille-System) war eine Kontrolle durch Sicherheitsbeamte der "Shogunat"-und "Daimyo"-Regierungen sowie eine Kontrolle durch ein autonomes Sicherheitssystem innerhalb der verschiedenen Sttinde-Gemeinschaften. 2)Das "Tsujiban"-System (Wache-System) diente der Bewahrung der offentlichen Sicherheit eingeschrankter, engerer Gebiete. Die Besitzer der Hofe in den Burgstadten Ubernahmen die Kontrolle ihrer eigenen Bezirke und setzten "Tsujibans" in ihren Lehnsbezirken ein. Nach dieser Definition gehort "Bukekata-Tsujiban"(die Wache der "Bukechi") zu der 2. Gattung. Der Verfasser untersucht zuerst, wie dieses System entstanden war und festgelegt wurde. "Bukekata-Tsujibans" wurden im Marz 1629 eingerichtet, um "Tsujigiri" (die Ermordung von Passanten durch "Samurais" zum Zweck der Schwertprobe) zu verhindern. Die "Shogunat"-Regierung hat diese Wache und Kontrolle den "Daimyos" und den "Hattumoto"(den direkten Vasallen des "Shoguns") als Pflicht auferlegt. Die gesetzliche Festlegung dieses Systems erfolgte in den "Kanbun"-und "Syotoku"-Perioden mit der Veroffentlichung des Grundgesetzes ("O-jomoku") und der Anordnung und Ernennung von "Metsuke"(Feudalinspektoren). Spater wurde das Hauptziel mehr auf die Bewachung von Brandstiftern und Einbrechern aus den unteren Schichten als auf die der "Samurai"-StraBenmorder verlegt. Dieses System wurde erst Ende des 17. Jhd. vollstandig entwickelt. Danach uberpruft der Verfasser die Einzelheiten dieses Systems.Weil die Kontrolle der Bezirke auBerhalb der "Bukeyashikis" den "Metsukes" unterstellt war, waren auch die "Bukekata-Tsujibans" den "Metsukes" unterstellt. Die "Metsukes" wiesen die "Bukekata-Tsujibans" an, die jeweiligen "Mawariba" (die Jfentlichen StraBen, die direkt zum Shogunat gehorten) zu kontrollieren. Den Rang und die Zahl der Bewachung der "Bukekata-Tsujibans" bestimmte die "Shogunat"-Regierung je nach dem "Tsujibandaka" (der Gesamtsumme der "Kokudaka"), der sich aus der Division des "Kokudakas" eines betreffenden "Daimyos" oder "Hatamotos" durch die Anzahl der von dem "Shogunat" vergebenen Hofe ergab. Die Unkosten wurden in zweierlei Form getragen. Die eine hieB "Ittemochi-Tsujiban"(allein finanzierte Wache), die andere "Kumiai-Tsujiban" (die Wachen hatten mehrere Kostentrager). Die Amtspflichten der Wachen bestanden in Verhaftung und Arrest von Verbrechern und Verdachtigen ("Tomeoki"), in der Verwaltung von "Mawariba", im Schutz von Findlingen usw. "Tomeoki" war die eigentliche Amtspflicht der Wache, weil die "Bukekata-Tsujibans" eingerichtet worden waren, um

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  • 柳沢 芙美子
    福井県文書館研究紀要
    2010年 7 巻 65-78
    発行日: 2010/03/26
    公開日: 2024/04/19
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 川合 英夫
    海の研究
    1994年 3 巻 2 号 83-97
    発行日: 1994/04/30
    公開日: 2008/04/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    Since ancient times the Japanese had encountered the Kuroshio frequently. For instance some records about long-distance driftings along the south coast of Japan or across the East China Sea are found in Nihon Shoki (Official Record of Japan before 697), Shoku Nihongi (Official Record of Japan from 697 to 806) and Todai Wajo Tosei Den (Biography of Ganjin, an outstanding Chinese Buddhist). In the seventh and eights centuries, some ships of the Japanese envoy to China in the Tang Dynasty crossed the Kuroshio in the East China Sea, despite frequent incidents of ship wrecks. In the Momoyama and early Edo periods (1592-1635) the Shuinsen, Japanese ships with the Shogunate license for foreign trade, crossed the Kuroshio east of Taiwan bound for Luzon. Nevertheless, no mention of the Kuroshio was found in these periods. Since records of no mention of the Kuroshio in maritime literatures in old days will be helpful in this kind of study in the future, efforts are made to list a detailed bibliography. Finally, studies on terms "Rakusei" and "Biryo", the Chinese equivalents of "Kuroshio", are made on the basis of Chinese classics. The term "Rakusei" was cited in Japanese books in the Edo period, but the term "Biryo" was too legendary to be used in Japan as indicating the Kuroshio, although Needham et al. (1971) made extensively a historical study on "Biryo".
  • 奥野 高廣
    社会経済史学
    1940年 10 巻 2 号 99-131
    発行日: 1940/05/15
    公開日: 2017/12/28
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 内藤 昌, 大野 耕嗣, 高橋 宏之
    日本建築学会論文報告集
    1971年 182 巻 65-75,90
    発行日: 1971/04/30
    公開日: 2017/08/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    Continued from the previous number, this paper especially deals with the architecture of the Fushimi-castle. The contents are as follows. I. The Buildings and the composition of the Fushimi-castle. 1. The Tenshu (Donjon) 2. The keeps and the gates 3. The residence (The main hall, etc.) II. The formal Shogunate visit and the Daimyo's residence for it. And in short, the establishment of the model of the Samurai's residence in the early Modern Era can be traced to the time of the Fushimi-castle.
  • 大名留守居を通じてみたる
    服藤 弘司
    法制史研究
    1984年 1984 巻 34 号 47-77,en6
    発行日: 1985/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Edo Period State (Bakuhan System) was a feudal state based on the lord-vassal bond existing between the Shogun and Daimyos. In this system, the Tokugawa family was the acknowledged head of the warrior class, and exercised rights of national rule. However, within their own domains the Daimyos were allowed considerable "autonomy" (Jibun shioki-ken), giving the power structure of the Edo Period State a tiered, two-dimensional character. Also, besides the warrior class who held the actual power, the class of court aristocrats also continued to exist as a potentially legitimate claimant to wield real power. This situation resulted in introducing into the Edo Period State a complicated and potentially unstable element from its outset.
    The Daimyo's "Rusu'i" (Edo Representative; lit. "Caretaker") were the Han officials charged with staying on a permanent basis in Edo to maintain liaison and conduct negociations with the Bakufu, as part of the Daimyo's demonstration of their loyalty to the Bakufu. These Edo Representatives were familiar with the protocol and ceremonial of the Bakufu, and remained well-informed on its interal matters, so that the Daimyo's execution of their duties to the Bakufu was completely dependent on the advice and guidance of these Representatives, and the fate of each Han hang on the ability of its Edo Representatives. However, over and above this, the Edo Representatives, because of their unique role, were in a position to determine the fate of the Bakufu's own authority. That the Kyoto Court in the late Edo Period was able to gain the power exceeding that of the Bakufu was due in large to the efforts of these Representatives.
  • わが近世封建制における二重封臣関係について
    林 董一
    法制史研究
    1959年 1959 巻 9 号 183-211,VI
    発行日: 1959/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    There were two families named Yamamura Jimbei and Chimura Heiemon among the followers of the feudal lord of Owari (present Nagoya), one of the three cadet families of the Tokugawa. These families, while they were the followers of the feudal lord of Owari, had also alleged service and loyalty directly towards the Tokugawa and were actually subject to both of them. Under, the feudal system in Japan, generally speaking, the follower was requested rigid loyalty to his lord alone as the maxim that "the loyal follower would never be subject to the other lord" shows., Therefore these cases of Yamamura and Chimura should be said the exceptional ones. Doppelvcasallität, though it existed, did not present so clear and perfect form as we see in that or Piuralvasallität of the medieval Germany. Their status was an imperfect form of Doppelvasallität and very much like the single relationship with the lord of Owari. The reason why these two families had acquired such a status as Doppelvasallität seems to me that the. lord of Owari, their lord, and the Tokugawa had been regarded as one, lord because the former was one of the branches of the latter.
  • 丸山 雍成
    交通史研究
    1987年 18 巻 1-44
    発行日: 1987/11/30
    公開日: 2017/10/01
    ジャーナル フリー
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