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  • 前澤 健
    飯田市美術博物館 研究紀要
    2021年 31 巻 53-64
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2021/05/07
    研究報告書・技術報告書 オープンアクセス
  • 平井 上総
    史学雑誌
    2006年 115 巻 1 号 54-79
    発行日: 2006/01/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The cadastral surveys conducted between 1587 and 1598 by the Chosokabe Family of Tosa Province are contained in ledgers recording results from the whole province and entitled Chosokabe Chikencho長宗我部地検帳(hereafter, Chikencho); however, what they say about those who directly conducted the surveys has yet to be examined. The present article is an attempt to fill that gap by clarifying how these surveyors were organized in terms of power and authority. An investigation of the signatures affixed to the Chikencho by the surveyors reveals 1) The inclusion of the signer's official capacity above each signature. 2) Some included handwritten seals (kao花押) and some did not. 3) There were between scribes, accountants and police agents tended to appear somewhere between the first and third signatures, while those who did the actually measuring (tsueuchi杖打) mostly appeared toward the end of the signature order. 4) Each surveyor worked in a specific capacity, despite differences in group, region and time. 5) Surveyors tended to have little interest or relationship to the regions they were measuring. The research to date has been of the opinion that those who signed the ledgers were groups of supervisors; however, the activity of each signer was base on a specific duty, and there is nothing to indicate those duties were supervisory in nature. Concerning the order in which the signatures appear, members of the Chosokabe Family and their retainers tend to appear either at the very beginning or the very end. This seems to indicate that the Chosokabe regime was dispatching its high ranking personnel to survey areas under the control of former local proprietors of similar daimyo大名status, in order to minimize any disgruntlement on the part of the latter. When comparing the ledgers according to the three eras in which were created-Tensho天正, Bunroku文禄and Keicho慶長-from the Bunroku era (1592) on, the number of functionaries (bugyo奉行) in the Chosokabe government dispatched on surveys doubled. Those who did the actually measuring (tsueuchi) tended to be members of the Chosokabe family, other feudal lords, their retainers and members of influential religious institutions, which indicates that tsueuchi was a duty connected to vassalage. From the above investigation, the author concludes that towards the last decade of the sixteenth century, although the Chosokabe Family was making compromises to appease other feudal lords within Tosa Province, it seems to also have been tightening control over extended (branch) family members and their retainers in a move towards centralization.
  • 木越 隆三
    史学雑誌
    2011年 120 巻 8 号 1425-1432
    発行日: 2011/08/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 田上 繁
    史学雑誌
    1993年 102 巻 10 号 1798-1824,1912-
    発行日: 1993/10/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    The aim of this paper is to examine the character of the land surveys carried out by a daimyo named Maeda, primarily at the beginning of the early modern (kinsei) era. It goes without saying that the taiko cadastres conducted at the time marked a new epoch in the history of land surveys in Japan. It is also true that Moriaki Araki's theory of the taiko cadastres is preeminent among kinsei historians. According to Araki, the taiko cadastres were based on the principle of "one-producer-per-plot-of-land" (itchi-issakunin) and abolishing "intermediary exploitation" (sakuai). From this, Araki has contended that the early modern age was clearly different from the late medieval age in terms of social organization, the social status system, village structure, and so on. However, this paper contends that the Maeda surveys were not carried out according to such principles. When we consider the character of Maeda's surveys, we need to distinguish between the surveys of the 10th and 11th years of Tensho (1582-83) and those conducted after Tensho 13. The earlier surveys were conducted through a reliance on documents submitted from the villages (sashidashi kenchi), or in accordance with that method, and the village tax (muradaka) was calculated by multiplying the total or arable land by a fixed rate of production (todai). The later surveys, on the other hand, were carried out by actually measuring the land itself. In either case these methods of surveying differ in principle from the taiko surveys. The Maeda surveys, called "sotakamawari", involved the calculation of only the total area of the village. In these surveys, peasants were not registered according to individual plots of Hand, nor were individual plots precisely measured. These surveys began with a measurement of the environs of the village from which a rough drawing (kari-ezu) was made. Next, a "ryo-ezu" (territorial drawing) was made by marking off the largest possible rectangular areas for easier calculation. After making the ryo-ezu, the surveying staff went to the land itself to measure these areas. In this process, the rivers, inlets, moats, roads and so on which passed, through these areas were measured and subtracted from the total area of the village. After the results of the surveys were recorded on field notes and reduction notes, the area which remained after the unproductive land was subtracted was considered the "aribu" (taxable land) of the village. When the records of the survey-the field notes, the reduction notes, and the territorial drawings-were submitted to Maeda, a survey certificate (kenchi uchiwatashi-jo) was issued to the village. Although these land surveys were intended as an adjustment of the principles of the taiko cadastres, this paper demonstrates how their character was thoroughly distinct from that of the taiko cadastres.
  • 山中 恭子
    史学雑誌
    1980年 89 巻 6 号 974-1002,1070-
    発行日: 1980/06/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    The main aim of this essay is to examine the characteristics of the political strength of the Imagawa family, Sengoku Daimyo of Suruga and Totomi Provinces, by inquiring into the land surveys (kenchi) which it carried out in the late 16th century. The author examines the land surveys of the Imagawa from two dimensions : from their scope -how broadly the survey could cover the land at one time -and this depth -how thoroughly the lord could survey the territory. With respect to the scope of the surveys, examining critically the views put forth by Mr. Arimitsu Yugaku in his essay in the journal, Nihonshi Kenkyu #138 (Jan. 1974), the author concludes that the surveys covered much wider areas than his local theory permits, and that his attempt to explain the motivation of the surveys from the content of the first article of the Imagawa Kana Mokuroku (the Imagawa family code), which provides guidelines for local lords concerning the conditions under which they could force customary cultivators to quit their tenancies in favor of cultivators who would pay higher rents, is itself in error. As to the depth of the surveys, the author investigates both their form and contents. She concludes that: 1)the surveys were not merely redigested reports from local land lords, but were actually carried out in a positive manner, including on-the-spot inquiries by Imagawa functionaries. 2)the surveys, by calculating the incomes from a strip of land -nengu (tribute) and kajishi (additional rents)- in terms of currency (kanmon), and by unifying these incomes into a monetary tax assessment system, represent a certain thoroughness which, while not directly related to "the abolishment of saku-ai" (those intermediary sub-rents abolished by Hideyoshi's surveys), can clearly be interpreted as a foreshadowing that the Imagawa would soon put an end to the multi-strata shiki-system characteristic of Japan's medieval period. With the help of an examination of commercial policies of the Imagawa, the author concludes that the Sengoku Daimyo represents an epoch-making type of political power, a power which grew by bringing under its span of control new areas heretofore out of the reach of the locally based lords (zaichi ryoshu) of the previous period ; and it is in this sense that she is able to see a Kinsei-type political power born, out of the chusei period.
  • 大森 映子
    史学雑誌
    1981年 90 巻 3 号 308-331,392-39
    発行日: 1981/03/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    It is well-known that the organization of the Domain vassals under the Bakuhan system was fundamentally on the basis of the principle of military system, and the administrative organization of the Han was determined by the hereditary ranks in the military system. But leaving aside general problems, how far did this principle apply to jobs that required particular specialist knowledge or ability. This paper deals with the problems of land surveys that accompanied the social skills for local conditions, by studying the Genroko land survey of the Bingo Fukuyama domain that was executed by the Okayama Han (岡山藩) under the direction of the Bakufu. It aims, first, to clarify the basis of the organization of officials for the land survey through a concrete analysis of the way in which they, were selected, and second to examine the form of negotations between the Bakufu and the Han. In conclusion, it can be pointed out that the principle of military system was abided in this case as a matter of formalily, and even specialized work was restricted within the framwork of hereditary ranks. However it was essential to have people in charge of practical matters to supplement the deficiencies arising from priority given to the hereditary ranks. This problem is characteristic of the society under the Bakuhan system.
  • 速水 融
    土地制度史学
    1959年 1 巻 3 号 19-32
    発行日: 1959/04/25
    公開日: 2017/09/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 速水 融
    社会経済史学
    1956年 22 巻 2 号 186-191
    発行日: 1956/09/25
    公開日: 2017/12/07
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 堀江 俊次, 川名 登
    社会経済史学
    1963年 28 巻 3 号 294-323
    発行日: 1963/02/15
    公開日: 2017/12/26
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 秀村 選三
    法制史研究
    1961年 1961 巻 11 号 245a-249
    発行日: 1961/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 淺香 幸雄
    地理学評論
    1950年 22 巻 12 号 396-403
    発行日: 1950/03/15
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 三鬼 清一郎
    法制史研究
    1984年 1984 巻 34 号 257-260
    発行日: 1985/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 寺田 孝重
    茶業研究報告
    1989年 1989 巻 69 号 43-47
    発行日: 1989/06/01
    公開日: 2009/07/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    奈良県吉野郡下の二か村において検地帳の調査をおこなった。この結果,当地域における茶園について以下のことが判明した。
    1) 吉野郡内の多くの地域において,延宝検地をふくむ17世紀の後半に茶畑の開発が行われた。
    2) 北曽木村と栃原村の延宝検地帳によれば,開発の年次は,村によって長期にわたるものと短期間で行われたものの相違はあるが,ほぼ寛文・延宝期に当っていた。
    3) 開発された茶畑は,生産力の低い下々茶畑ないし,更に下位の下々茶山畑が多く,これも開発年次が延宝検地に近いことを示している。
    4) このような急激な茶園の増大をもたらした背景については,目下のところ不明である。
    本稿を終えるに当り,史料の閲覧を許して頂いた青木晴夫氏,並びにご教示を賜った吉野町文化財保存会会長 上田龍司氏,県立橿原高校校長 広吉寿彦氏,筑波大学助教授 熊倉功夫博士に深く感謝する。
  • 後藤 久太郎
    日本建築学会論文報告集
    1974年 221 巻 37-42,63
    発行日: 1974/07/30
    公開日: 2017/08/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    Mural paintings are one of the most significant elements of interior designs in Japanese residenses. The extent of painted walls, however, made a great change in Edo Period. Walls were articulated by uchinori-nageshi (something like architrave), and up to Edo Period, paintings were applied only on the section under uchinori-nageshi. The narrow walls between uchinori-nageshi and ceiling (called kokabe), which were plastered with white clay, were never decorated bisides that. In Edo Period, as we could find examples of painted kokabe, we would note that there was a change in the extent of painted walls. I will discuss in thischapter, the changes of arranging painting on kokabe, exclusively in the edifices of the Imperial Palace in KYOTO which were built on after another in Edo Period. The summary is as follows : Imperial Palace were constructed eight times during about 260 years of Edo Period. Among these edifices, kokabe was decorated by paintings only in the Empress's Palace which was completed in 1619 (the fifth year of Genna). Kokabe in other edifices were plastered with white clay as it had been since the Middle Age. As the empress came from the Shogunate family, I believe, the only example of the painted kokabe was also influenced by the interior designs of Shogunate residences. It leads me to think that, in the palace for the emperor, who headed somewhat conservative aristocrats, the new design of painting kokabe was not accepted after all.
  • 町田 良一
    社会経済史学
    1937年 7 巻 5 号 542-572
    発行日: 1937/08/15
    公開日: 2017/09/25
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 菊地 利夫
    地理学評論
    1970年 43 巻 9 号 517-526
    発行日: 1970/09/01
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
    近世において,片品川流域の山村は二面的性格を持っていた.現代の山村は「山間における農業集落」という性格だけである.近世山村は,ある期間には林業集落となり,林業がおとろえると農業集落になるという二面的性格の半面をかわるがわるに展開させた.しかも林業集落の時期には人口収容力が大きくなり,人口も戸数も農業集落の時期より約2倍にも増加し,食料需要が大きくなり,焼畑がさかんに開拓されたP林産がへると人口が減少し,焼畑は耕作放棄されて林業集落から農業集落に変っていった.
    片品川流域において,近世に「林業集落から農業集落へ」という変化が2回も出現した.片品川流域の主な歴史的事象一真田藩の寛文検地,茂左衛門の直訴,幕府領としての貞享検地,土岐藩の「みどり事件」一は山村の2面的性格の出現過程において理解しなけれぽならない.封建的林野制度の下につくられた山村には現代資本主義的林野制度の下の山村とは異なる性格があったことを知れば,林野制度を変えれぽ未来の山村の性格も現在の山村と異なるものになるだろうことも考えられる.
  • 速水 融
    社会経済史学
    1966年 31 巻 1-5 号 24-30
    発行日: 1966/02/15
    公開日: 2017/08/03
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 浅香 幸雄
    地理学評論
    1950年 23 巻 6 号 194-200
    発行日: 1950年
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 安良城 盛昭
    史学雑誌
    1981年 90 巻 8 号 1203-1247,1338-
    発行日: 1981/08/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    Shizuo Katsumata's recent work on the history of the laws enacted during the Warring Era (Sengoku-ho Seiritsu-shiron (戦国法成立史論), Tokyo, 1979) seems to be the most outstanding study in this field, produced after the World War II. His analysis of the Warring Era is versatile, sharp and accurate. Moreover, his approach is logical and clear-cut. Inspite of the prominence of his historical sense, some defects should be found in Katsumata's work. There is a question in his analysis of the real state of the land survey which was carried on during the latter half of the 16th century, by such "sengoku daimyo" as the Imagawa, Takeda and Hojo. There have so far been two theories on the historical character of the "sengoku daimyo." The one was that of Kichiji Nakamura, who had explained it in his studies in the agrarian policy at the beginning of the age of Kinsei (Kinsei-shoki Nosei-shi Kenkyu (近世初期農政史研究), Tokyo, 1938). The other is my own, which has opposed to Nakamura's theory. Whether the "sengoku daimyo" was homogeneous to the "kinsei daimyo," or not, is the polemic point between the two. Nakamura asserted that the "sengoku daimyo" was homogeneous to the "kinsei daimyo." I have, however, asserted that the "sengoku daimyo" was rather of the same quality as the "shugo daimyo," and thus the "sengoku daimyo" was not homogeneous to the "kinsei daimyo." The key to solution of the problem is to know whether the principles of the land survey of the "sengoku daimyo" was the same as those of the "kinsei daimyo," or not. Toyotomi Hideyoshi, or the Taiko, and all the "kinsei daimyo" prohibited the peasants to sublet the land each other. While conducting the land survey, they did not admit to pay or receive "sakuai" or the rent of subletting. Then, did the "sengoku daimyo" prohibited the peasants to pay or receive the rent, too? Katsumata asserted, acknowledging Nakamura as true, that the survey works conducted by the Imagawa, Takeda and Hojo were the same as those of Hideyoshi and the "kinsei daimyo." and the Imagawa and Takeda did not admit to give and take "sakuai." However, I wonder if Katsumata may misinterpreted the historical source materials concerning the Imagawa and Takeda. The present article asserts that the land survey works carried on by the "sengoku daimyo" was different from those of the Taiko and the "kinsei daimyo," and the "sengoku daimyo" admitted the "sakuai" as the materials approve it.
  • 勝俣 鎭夫
    史学雑誌
    1983年 92 巻 2 号 172-189,277-27
    発行日: 1983/02/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this essay, the author attempts to reply to the criticism levelled at him by Mr.Araki Moriaki in a recent article entitled "The Land Survey by the Sengoku Daimyo (戦国大名) and the Sakuai (作合) (Subletting Rent)" (see Shigaku Zasshi, Vol XC, No 8: Aug. 1981). In that article, Mr.Araki judged as empirically unprovable the key point to the author's Sengoku daimyo land survey theory (see Katsumata Shizuo 勝俣鎭夫, Sengoku-ho Seiritsu-shiron 戦国法成立史論) which states that the fundamental principle underlying said surveys was to negate tax unit managers' rights under the previous shoen (荘園) system to reap supplementary land rent income and incorporate such income into a system of monetary evaluation of land yields (kandaka-sei 貫高制). That is to say, as opposed to the author's schema which equates tax additions gained by land surveying (kenchi mashibun 検地増分) tax unit manager appropriation of supplementary land rents tax unit field management income, Mr.Araki attempts to resurrect his outdated formula which equates gains by surveying tax unit management income "off the record" fields (onden 隠田) hidden from the shoen tax system. In the present essay, the author, after investigating Mr.Araki's own empirical evidence, makes clear the impossibility of proving the existence of such a formula. Howeverr Mr.Araki is mistaken not only because of the low level of his empirical proof, but mainly because he ignores the great historical significance which lay in the Sengoku daimyos' method of "on paper" surveying (sashi-dashi kenchi 指出検地) in favor of "field" surveys (joryo kenchi 丈量検地), which, he purports, were carried out in order to discover previously concealed taxable land. Moreover, because it is now possible to conceive of Hideyoshi's cadastres (Taiko Kenchi 太閤検地), which were fundamentally "on paper" surveys, as having adopted the Sengoku daimyos' method for carrying out their own land surveys -that is, as a grand finale to the surveying done by those feudal powers -the time has finally come for a radical re-investigation of the long established explanation proposed by Mr.Araki concerning the origins of Taiko Kenchi.
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