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  • 太田 節三
    紙パ技協誌
    1999年 53 巻 5 号 638
    発行日: 1999/05/01
    公開日: 2009/11/19
    ジャーナル フリー
  • -富山県高岡市岡本家を事例として-
    二谷 智子
    経営史学
    2003年 38 巻 3 号 22-47
    発行日: 2003/12/25
    公開日: 2009/11/06
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is first to analyze the change in the system that regulated the production and sale of medicine in the latter half of the 19th century and second to make clear how the management of the home distribution system of patent medicines in Toyama changed as its result. This paper examines the case of the Okamoto family, the influential merchant family that owned large tracts of commercial land, and the peddling of patent medicines in Takaoka in the early Meiji era.
    As a result of the examination, the following point became clear. The merchant in Takaoka financed owners of commercial land to peddle patent medicines. These peddlers lived in villages around Takaoka, and the management of their peddling business changed with the financing from the merchant.
    By the 1860s, the peddlers in Takaoka were classified into five ranks by income, because several feudal loads had for years forbidden the peddlers from entering their domains. And as a result, this started the division in the management of the business into the sponsor, the chemist's shop, and the peddler in Takaoka. The home distribution system of patent medicines in Takaoka was thus able to adapt to the medical policy of the Meiji government, which regulated both the production and the distribution of patent medicines.
  • 平野 健次, 谷垣内 和子
    東洋音楽研究
    1980年 1980 巻 45 号 23-71
    発行日: 1980/08/31
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the field of Japanese music there have so far been only few biographical studies. This is especially true as regards the blind Jiuta-shamisen and koto musicians of the Edo period, where the enormous difficulties involved in biographical research have meant that, except in the case of a few blind masters like Yatsuhashi Kengyo, this area of study has been all but neglected.
    There have been numerous problems involved in the handling of relevant material. For one thing, documents showing the way the music was transmitted from one master to another are mainly based on instruction-certificates, which need to be subjected to careful criticism. In order to obtain exact transmission-charts, too, all documents concerning the blind people demand critical examination. Among these documents, special mention must be made of the following:
    -Sandai-no-seki,
    -Omote-bikae,
    -Za-kudari-bikae,
    all preserved in the National Diet Library (a differing version of the ‘Sandai-no-seki’ is kept in the Ka-no-bunko, Tohoku University).
    These three documents give the names of masters elevated to the rank of kengyo, together with the exact date, the school to which they belonged, as well as the names of their masters and masters' master (the ‘Sandai-no-seki’ for the period 1603, 10th month to 1777, 2nd month, the ‘Omote-bikae’ for the period 1700, 1st month to 1805, 3rd month, and the ‘Za-kudari-bikae’ for the period 1805, 11th month to 1867, 9th month). However, the entries into these records were not in all respects systematic and there are omissions and inconsequences, which make careful sourcecriticism all the more essential. Inspite of all deficiencies, these three documents are of great importance, as their information on masters of kengyo-rank covers all areas of Japan, and gives -if all three documents are taken together-a relatively clear picture of the positions and lineages of blind professionals.
    As Mrs. KUBOTA Satoko has already composed a research paper on the ‘Sandai-no-seki’, we have here limited ourselves to the remaining two documents and have traced information especially concerning Yamada-ryu musicians; we have, however, also followed up lineages of Kyoto/Osaka-, Nagoya- and Kyushu-area musicians, examining the transmission of music as well as teacher-student relationships within the todo, the organization of professional blind people.
    Our efforts have been rewarded by being able to confirm details of name and date of obtaining the rank of kengyo in the case of Yamada Kengyo and other Yamada-ryu koto-musicians, as well as of such famous masters as Mitsuzaki, Yoshizawa, Ichiura, Kikuoka, Urasaki, Yaezaki and Matsuura Kengyo. Also, we have been able to obtain clear evidence on the period of activity, and of the rank held within the todo, in the case of Udesaki Kengyo (whose very existence had been in doubt) and the Ikuta-ryu koto-masters in Edo.
  • 薦田 治子
    東洋音楽研究
    1997年 1997 巻 62 号 1-20,L1
    発行日: 1997/08/20
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    There is a confusion about the school to which the heikyoku tradition in Nagoya belongs among some heikyoku players. The reason for the confusion lies in the fact that there are certain differences between the heikyoku in Nagoya and the Maeda school heikyoku tradition handed down by a family from Tsugaru.
    Present Tsugaru tradition started with KUSUMI Taiso who learned heikyoku from the Maeda school master, ASAOKA kengyo Chosaiichi at the end of the Edo period. There was another heikyoku school called Hatano school which centered in Kyoto. Because of the many differences, it has been thought that heikyoku in Nagoya must belong to this Hatano school. But in considering the following four points, it is clear that Nagoya heikyoku belongs to the Maeda school: (1) the text; (2) the vocal melody; (3) the instrumental techniques and (4) the lineage of styles passed on from teachers to desciples.
    (1) By comparing the actual vocal narration of the Nagoya school with the written text of the Maeda school and the Hatano school, the oral text in Nagoya is much closer to the Maeda school.
    (2) The vocal melody of Nagoya heikyoku has more ornamental movements and complicated vocal techniques than Tsugaru heikyoku. This has been regarded as a characteristic of the Hatano school. But five-line staff notations of the Hatano school heikyoku from the Taisho period and that of Tsugaru heikyoku from the end of the Meiji period have clarified that Tsugaru heikyoku was more similar to Nagoya heikyoku. At the same time, Nagoya heikyoku has increased its ornamental movements since the 1960s, thereby increasing the melodic differences between Tsugaru and Nagoya.
    (3) The second string of the biwa is tuned a major third above the first string in Nagoya, as was the biwa of the last blind heikyoku player of the Hatano school. On the other hand, it was tuned a minor third above the first string in the Tsugaru tradition until the 1960s. The documents on biwa from the Edo period show that the pitch of the second string was not always fixed and the Maeda school also used the major third. So the difference of the tuning does not mean there was a difference of the school.
    Sawari sound is used for the biwa in Nagoya, but not in Tsugaru. A document from the Meiji period proves that sawari was used by the blind players of the Maeda school but not by the amateur players. So the existence of sawari does not mean that the Nagoya heikyoku belongs to the Hatano school.
    (4) There was an innovation of the notation system by OGINO kengyo Chiichi/Tomonoichi in Nagoya at the end of the 18th century. As he learned heikyoku from both schools, Maeda and Hatano, it was uncertain which school he taught to the disciples in Nagoya. One source tells that OGINO regarded himself as a Maeda school player, while another shows that his desciple in Nagoya, NAKAMURA kengyo, taught the Maeda school heikyoku.
    Therefore we can conclude that heikyoku in Nagoya belongs to the Maeda school.
  • 岸辺 成雄, 近藤 由喜子, 岸辺 百代
    東洋音楽研究
    1969年 1969 巻 26-27 号 1-64
    発行日: 1969年
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 中野 達慧
    密教研究
    1932年 1932 巻 45 号 19-58
    発行日: 1932/07/15
    公開日: 2010/03/12
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 訪碑余話
    久保田 敏子
    東洋音楽研究
    1987年 1987 巻 51 号 89-94,L20
    発行日: 1987/03/31
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 上野 曉子
    東洋音楽研究
    2007年 2007 巻 72 号 47-65
    発行日: 2007/08/31
    公開日: 2011/09/20
    ジャーナル フリー
    当道座とは近世以前における盲人集団の社会的な相互扶助団体である。中世期には「平家」を語ることを、その主要な職能としていた。近年、兵藤裕己氏により中世期の「平家」には源氏政権を寿ぐ側面のあったこと、室町幕府の方針として「平家」が幕府の式楽に位置づけられていたことが指摘されるなど、中世期における「平家」および当道座の実態については優れた研究が出ている。一方、近世期における当道座の実態や当道座が担った「平家」やその他の音曲芸能に関しては研究が進んでいない。そこで本稿では、近世初期の当道座の実態について解明を試みたい。
    近世初期における当道座の主要な職能は、なによりも中世期の「平家」を継承することであり、当道座による「平家」は、公家や武家のみならず、町人など貴賎を問わず聴聞され続けているものであった。また、『徳川実紀』の記述から「平家」は中世期と同じく、当道座の
    検校
    により御前演奏が数多く行われ、徳川幕府の式楽と位置づけられている、と考えられる。
    『古式目』や『当道要集 (要抄)』には「二季の塔」が当道座の最重要な行事に位置づけられ、その「二季の塔」において
    検校
    が「平家」を語ることは、「勅定」とされていた。その際、「平家」を語る当道座の最高位である
    検校
    には、社会的な権威づけがなされている。「二季の塔」は当道座の座衆としてのアイデンティティを強化し、当道座の結束を固める側面がある最重要な年中行事だと考えられる。また、「二季の塔」は当道座の最重要な年中行事であるばかりでなく、京都における年中行事として定着するほど、社会的にもよく知られた行事であった。
    近世初期、当道座と九州地方の盲僧との争諍が激化する。当道座の究極の狙いは盲僧を当道座内へ取り込み、盲僧組織を潰すことであったと考えられる。争諍の結果、幕府から下された「御裁許」は当道座と盲僧を峻別する厳しい内容のもので、当道座は「平家」を語る系譜的な正統性を保持し続け、新たな音曲芸能である箏や三味線、浄瑠璃、胡弓などをも独占的に獲得するに至る。
  • 中野 達慧
    密教研究
    1934年 1934 巻 52 号 35-64
    発行日: 1934/09/10
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 千葉 潤之介
    東洋音楽研究
    1989年 1989 巻 53 号 29-42,L7
    発行日: 1988/12/31
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    It has hitherto been considered that “Haru no yo” was composed by Miyagi Michio (1894-1956) in 1913 as his Opus 2, preceded only by his maiden work, “Mizu no hentai”. The composer himself, however, asserts that his Opus 2 was “Kara-ginuta” of 1913, and that “Haru no yo” was his third piece. Since he also mentions that he was indebted to a work entitled “Sagano no shirabe” for inspiration in composing “Haru no yo”, confirming the existence of “Sagano no shirabe” and inquiring when Miyagi had the opportunity to become acquainted with the piece is of vital importance in elucidating the situation in which “Haru no yo” was composed. Recently the jiuta performer Nakai Takeshi confirmed that a transmitter of a work entitled “Saga no shirabe”, a koto player named Harada Etsuko, lives in Tokushima. This “Saga no shirabe” was tentatively identified as Miyagi's “Sagano no shirabe”. Subsequent investigation by the present author has made the following points clear.
    1) “Saga no shirabe” was composed either by Tomizaki Kengyo (d. 1844) or Tomihara Kengyo (d. 1877), both of whom were from Tokushima.
    2) Miyagi learned “Saga no shirabe” from Ota Wasaichi, a koto player from Tokushima, in January or February 1914.
    3) The piece Miyagi calls “Sagano no shirabe” is actually “Saga no shirabe”, a koto work transmitted in Tokushima.
    4) “Haru no yo” was composed in the spring of 1914 with inspiration from “Saga no shirabe”, thus confirming the composer's own statement that “Kara-ginuta” of 1913, and not “Haru no yo”, is his Opus 2.
  • 森口 光俊
    智山学報
    2012年 61 巻 53-71
    発行日: 2012/03/31
    公開日: 2017/08/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 平野 健次
    東洋音楽研究
    1987年 1987 巻 51 号 45-82,L8
    発行日: 1987/03/31
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • その成立事情と出典注記について
    薦田 治子
    東洋音楽研究
    1990年 1990 巻 55 号 31-90,L6
    発行日: 1990/08/31
    公開日: 2010/02/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    Anthologies of notation of heikyoku (Heike Monogatari, the Tale of the Heike, in accompanied vocal recitation) have, since the end of the Second World War, attracted the attention of researchers as materials for studies on the Heike Monogatari and on accent in the Japanese language. The first collection of notation published in photographic reproduction was the Heikyoku Mabushi held in the collection of the Department of Japanese Literature of Kyoto University (hereunder referred to as the Kyoto University score), which was undertaken by Okumura Mitsuo in 1971. This article examines its compilation and the nature of the source annotations that appear in great number throughout its text.
    One of the reasons for the Kyoto University score having been the first selected for photographic reproduction from among the many surviving examples of notation seems to lie in the the supposed circumstances of its compilation. Since the research of Atsumi Kaoru, it has been viewed as being a copy of the draft manuscript for Heike Mabushi, edited by Ogino Kengyo (1776). Heike Mabushi is a collection of notations of Maeda school heikyoku that was used throughout the country in the late Edo period (c nineteenth century) because of the clarity of its notational style and a structural composition that facilitated learning. If it is a copy of the draft manuscript for Heike Mabushi, the Kyoto University score is clearly an important reference for understanding the process by which Heike Mabushi was edited.
    However, close examination of the Kyoto University score and comparison with the score thought to be the parent copy of Heike Mabushi, that of the Ozaki family collection (photographic reproduction, 1974), has led the present author to the conclusion that the Kyoto University score (or, if it existed, an older original) must have been compiled after, not before, the Ozaki family Heike Mabushi.
    In what way, then, was the Kyoto University score compiled? Its colophon records the name Oka. This refers to the Edo kokugaku scholar Oka Masatake (1773-1854), the author of Heikyoku Mondo-sho (‘Questions and Answers on Heikyoku’). According to the preface of this work, Oka compiled it in 1820 as a record of answers given by Hoshino Kengyo of Kyoto in writing to various queries posed by Oka that emerged during his preceding eight-year comparative collation of heikyoku notations. The fact that more than eighty percent of the questions dealt with in Heikyoku Mondo-sho agree in some way with annotations to be found in the Kyoto University score indicates that the Kyoto University score was compiled by Oka to function as a record of this comparative investigation.
    Chapter Two of this article examines the sources for the annotations, amounting to 2200 examples of approximately 30 types, attached to variants identified in the text of the Kyoto University score, in an effort to detail the extent of Oka's comparative collation. As a result, it has become clear that this was based on the following sources: 1. a comparative score made in the Genroku year-period (1688-1704); 2. Heikyoku Ginpu, a score used by sighted enthusiasts in eighteenth-century Edo; 3. a score of the Toyokawa-bon lineage used in Edo by musicians of the todo blind musicians' guild, also used as the central source in the compilation of Heike Mabushi; 4. a score in the lineage of Yokoi Yayu's Heigo, a Maeda-school score used in Nagoya and other regions also used as a source in the compilation of Heike Mabushi; 5. Heike Mabushi as disseminated to Kyoto and Edo; and 6. the actual performance of contemporary heikyoku musicians. As well as contributing important reference material on the process by which Heike Mabushi was edited, the Kyoto University Heikyoku Mabushi score is extremely important in
  • 芳賀 登
    史学雑誌
    1987年 96 巻 6 号 1083-1085
    発行日: 1987/06/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 伊藤 隆太, 渥美 かをる, 林 那嘉子, 村松 一弥, 谷本 一之, 井野辺 潔, 西山 松之助, 福田 まつ
    東洋音楽研究
    1965年 1965 巻 18 号 243-252
    発行日: 1965/08/20
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    箏曲「夏の幽」の分析
    平曲における荻聾
    検校
    の整譜

    傅続のについての美学的考察
    敦煙莫高窟に現われた楽讐と音楽
    アイヌの口琴
    義太夫節表現の本質
    小唄百流とその支持者・
    音曲力草の三味線音宮
  • 吉川 英史
    美学
    1970年 20 巻 4 号 1-9
    発行日: 1970/03/30
    公開日: 2017/05/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    The symbol-techniques are often used in Japanese traditional music. But any essay has not treated of this problem. In this essay, the examples of the symbol-techniques in Japanese music are explained, dividing into the three kinds of instruments, Shamisen, Koto and O-daiko, following them the examples of symbol in voice melody. There are many melodic and rythmic pattern which symbolize the natural phenomena such as wind, snow and wave. However they symbolize not only the natural phenomena, but a scene or a meaning or an idea, by the mediation of them ; that is to say there are indirect symbol-techniques besides direct ones.
  • 音楽文献学的考察としての試論
    平野 健次, 久保田 敏子
    東洋音楽研究
    1970年 1970 巻 30-33 号 41-83
    発行日: 1970年
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 東洋音楽研究
    1981年 1981 巻 46 号 175d
    発行日: 1981年
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 東洋音楽研究
    1981年 1981 巻 46 号 175c
    発行日: 1981年
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 東洋音楽研究
    1981年 1981 巻 46 号 175b
    発行日: 1981年
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
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