“絆池” という言葉は, 現在日本庭園史の分野では, 建物の前面に位置し, その建物へ行くための橋が架けられた池を指す分類用語として使われている。
ところで, その定義解釈は, 果たして, 適切だろうか。本稿は, 絆池という言葉の歴史的・伝統的意義を探り, 現在の定義解釈に関しての疑問点を指摘するものである。

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In this article I focus on the provenance of Deng Shiru's 〓石如 calligraphy in regular script (kaishu 楷書), a question that has hitherto been viewed as problematic by many scholars, and I examine the issues with reference both to his works as a whole and to individual characters.
  With regard to his works as a whole, I examine with reference to the background to their execution the provenance of Deng Shiru's fourteen works in regular script that have been identified to date. It became clear that elements from primarily inscriptions of the Liang 梁 of the Six Dynasties were incorporated in earlier works and elements from the Northern Dynasties in later works, and that his circumstances, travels, and friendships played a very important part in the background to these works.
  Next, with regard to individual characters, I deal with 1,791 characters in the above fourteen works and undertake an examination of Deng Shiru's preferences regarding characters and his attitudes towards them on the basis of characters from classic works in regular script other than those from inscriptions of the Northern and Southern Dynasties and inscriptions of the Tang 唐 period pointed out by previous scholars (and which I refer to as "alternative characters").
  These alternative characters, which account for approximately twenty percent of the total number of characters, can be broadly divided into characters in the seal and clerical scripts, alternative characters, and customized characters. I focus on the seal and clerical scripts, and I was able to ascertain that characters in the seal script were incorporated to a conspicuous degree in the Chuci jiuge 九歌, written at the age of 40 when he was living with the family of Mei Liu 梅鏐 (with whom he lived from the age of 38 to 44), and that characters in the clerical script were incorporated in subsequent works (with characters in the seal script no longer being used). This tallies with the account in Bao Shichen's 包世臣 biography of Deng Shiru ("Wanbai Shanren zhuan" 完白山人伝) and provides some interesting material for corroborating the background to Deng Shiru's study of calligraphy, which has been discussed solely on the basis of his biography since he did not write an account of his own life.
  Further, through an examination of alternative characters it has been possible to show that Deng Shiru transcended the barriers between different kinds of scripts and consciously used alternative characters, and that he did not lack in learning and may have deliberately introduced such alternative characters into his works on the basis of precise knowledge.
  Tasks for the future will be an elucidation of Deng Shiru's aesthetic sense as he turned his attention to the calligraphy of the Six Dynasties and Northern Wei 魏, an examination of all styles of calligraphy (seal, clerical, regular, semi-cursive, and cursive scripts) in his Ïuvre, and an investigation into his attitude towards written characters.

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A number of studies on Kōgyō Daishi 興教大師 Kakuban’s 覚鑁 (1095–1143) famous work Gorin kuji myō himitsushaku 五輪九字明秘密釈 have been carried out by Seiryu Nasu, Yoshitoyo Yoshioka, Fumio Tanaka and Shunsho Manabe. In these studies, the overall contents of the aforementioned work have been sufficiently discussed. Nevertheless, specialized investigations on the diagram of the ‘Images of Five Visceral Spirits’ (五臓神形図abbreviated as ‘IFVS’) appended to Kakuban’s work remain incomplete, and especially its origin is not clearly known.

With regard to IFVS, 4 points have drawn the author’s interest. First, the male figured in the lung god’s image is holding a spear. Second, a boy and girl are figured in the liver god’s image. Third, the jade lady figured in the heart god’s image is holding a jewelled vase. Fourth, the gesture of the spiritual beast figured as the kidney god.

In this paper, the origin of IFVS, with focus on the above four points, will be discussed by examining materials found in a Tang period Taoist text called the Chart on the Procedures for Filling and Emptying the Six Receptacles and Five Viscera according to the Inner Landscape of the Yellow Court (Huangting neijing wuzang liufu buxie tu黄庭內景五臟六腑補瀉圖) by the priestess Hu Yin胡愔 (fl. 848).

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本論は、『爾雅』に見られる病名を分析し、それがどのように変化していったかを分析した。用例が比較的少なく、後世ではあまり使われなくなっていったものも存在する一方、用例は比較的多く、その病気としての意味が薄れて一般的な語として用いられるようになったものもあった。また、病気以外の意味がもともとあり、その用例も多く、病気としての意味が次第に淘汰されていったものもあった。そして、『爾雅』における精神的意味での病気とは異なり、身体的な病気としての意味を持ち、その使用例も多く、後者の方が次第に定着していったものもある。『爾雅』における多くの語が病気としての意味を失っている一方で、病気としての意味の用例が多く、出土文献にも用例が見られ、医学文献にもその意味が引き継がれていったものもあった。なお、病気としての意味を持つ用例が極めて少なく、当時の使われ方を窺い知ることができないものもあった。

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Over 2, 000 years ago the Fu-sang legend appeared in Chinese literature in the form of a treelegend, also having some connection with the sun. The authors, tracing the legend back to its original form, make it clear that its original form must have been a pure sun-legend. The Jo-mu (若木) which was identified with the Fu-sang means a sun-tree, the sound of 若 (^*njiak) being that of 日 (^*njiet), "sun", and both Jo-mu and Fu-sang are associated with the legend of "Ten Suns." As the character of "sang" (桑)="mulberry" in Fu-sang resembles that of "jo" (若=〓) in Jo-mu, there has been a misreading since the Chou period. But 扶桑=扶〓=扶若=扶日 seems to have been the proper series, and the last of the series 扶日 (Fu-jih) is identical with the Fu-jih (拂日 "striking the sun") which is seen in old Chinese documents combined with the Jo-mu (若木). Furthermore, as we have the legend of the Pi-jih (〓日 "shooting the sun") in which the archer I (〓) shot nine suns down out of the ten, the Pih-jih ("shooting the sun") must have been the original meaning of the word Fu-sang (扶桑) which can be identified with the Fu-jih (拂日 "striking the sun"). We find examples of such a rite of invigoration as "helping the sun" in the eclipse or shooting for the same purpose wang shih (枉矢)=huang shih (黄矢), fire-arrow, at the sun not only in the old Chinese documents, but also in modern ethnological literature. The Shantung peninsula was the principal field of activities of I, the hero of the legend of "Ten Suns." The legend itself seems to have derived from the institution of "Ten Days" which was prevalent among the Tung-i (東夷) in Shantung. The authors assume that the Fu-sang legend was first formed among this people and then transmitted southward by the migration of the Ch'u (楚) tribe belonging to the Tung-i. According to Chinese legends, there is the Hsiliu (細柳 "slender willow") in the west where the sun sets, in contrast to the Fu-sang in the east where the sun rises. The epithet hsi ("slender") being added only from the association with the meaning "willow" which the character liu has, the real meaning of the Hsi-liu must lie in the sound liu. While the place where the sun rises in the east is called T'ang-ku (湯谷), the place where the sun sets in the west is called Liu-ku (柳谷). Liu-ku is called also Mei-ku (昧谷), Meng-ku (蒙谷), Meng-ssu (蒙〓), etc. As the liu here is demonstrated to be mei (昧)=meng (蒙)=an (暗)=yin (陰), meaning "dark, " the Liu-ku must be Mei-ku=Meng-ku=Meng-ssu=An-ssu (暗〓)=Yin-ssu (陰〓), "the valley wherein the sun sets, " opposite to the T'ang-ku (湯谷)=Yang-ku (陽谷), "the valley from where the sun rises." Therefore, the proper meaning of such a name as Yen-tsu (〓〓) where the sun sets, which has been a riddle to sinologists, is Yin-ssu (陰〓), the valley wherein the sun sets. The Hsien-ch'ih (咸池) and Kan-yuan (甘淵), in which the sun is said to bathe, are also respectively nothing else than the An-ch'ih (暗池)=Yin-ch'ih (陰池), "the pond in which the sun sets, " and An-yuan (暗淵), "the deep in which the sun sets."

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We studied nine marine mammal records from two old Korean texts, Chinese writting, Goshu-enjimon-chosen-sanko (Goshu's long, scattered manuscripts) and Chosen-Ocho-jitsuroku (A Korean True Account on the Monarchial Age). Four of the records were identified or assumed to be on the Japanese sea lion (Zalophus californianus japonicus) and five on larga seals (Phoca largha). The Japanese sea lion lived from the end of 17th c. to the beginning of the 19th c. and the larga seal from the 3rd c. B.C. to the end of 18th c. Two places where the sea lion are reported to have lived were Ullung-do in the Sea of Japan, and the estuary of the Tumangang in northeastern Korea, bordering on Russia. One place that the seal is reported to have lived was Kangnung located on the eastern coast of the Korean Peninsula. The other four places were somewhere around "the eastern waters", broad area containing the Bo Hai, Huang Hai and Sea of Japan. We confirmed that sea lions had had a breeding colony at Ullung-do at the end of 18th c., and estimate that their population size was substantial during three periods, the end of 17th and 18th c. and the beginning of 19th c.

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