豊臣秀吉によって復興された博多の町は、長方形の短冊型の宅地割に特徴がある(それまでは矩形が多い)。
本論文では堺, 近江八幡, 京都等の町割りの状況と博多とを比較して、博多の町づくりが商業都市・兵姑基地として、将来の繁栄性を狙った新鮮な街づくりプランであったと評価している。

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交通と都市は車の両輪である。およそ交通の便なくして都市は繁栄せず、交通システムは都市の繁栄によって、はじめて意義付けられるからである。
このような観点から本研究は、この交通と都市の発展連鎖に着目し、今日では東京新都心と称されるまでに発達した「新宿」の都市形成史について略述する。さらに水運輸送と陸運輸送との結節点である船着場、港湾 (津) における「まち」の発生例として京都の花町・先斗町、次いで交通と都市の連関盛衰について青函連絡船の歴史を回顧しながら、青森市JR駅前地区の盛衰について考究する。そして、青森市の再興には東北新幹線の青森までの開業と同時に、これに接続する北海道新幹線の速やかな函館までへの延伸整備が必要であることを論述する。最後に福岡の「まちづくり」戦略を概観しながら、それとの関連において交通システム整備と「まちづくり」の連動の重要性について論究しようとするものである。

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Researches on honai-shonin have been made on the assumption that they were za-shonin living in villages (sonraku-za-shonin). One of the issues that these researches have pointed out is that their assertion about monopoly changed in the sixteenth century from the monopoly of transaction (ichi-za-ken) to that of trade routes. In this paper we have inquired into this change from the viewpoint that this was the change of their organization and creed of business. The main points we have clarified are as follows :
First, they asserted their monopoly of trade routes upon being recognized as a corporation. We have reached this conclusion as a result of the elucidation of the process of their getting out of the control of shoen-ryoshu (sanmon), and of the above-mentioned recognized by shugo-Rokkaku-shi.
Secondly, the reason of their assertion is that the goods they dealt in increased in amount. They no longer were able to assert the monopoly with the sales method relying upon za. So they were forced to assert the monopoly of trade routes connecting suppliers and retailers. This change in the form of business was in correspondence with the emergence of a local economy on the eastern coast of Lake Biwa in Omi-no-kuni.
Thirdly, the reason why they could change the form of business is that their policy was in accordance with that of shugo-Rokkaku-shi
Finally, having passed through the process mentioned above, honai-shonin transformed themselves from medieval za-shonin to a new type of merchants which adapted themselves to the local economy in the sixteenth century, namely, shingi-shonin.

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貸金業法の副作用が徐々に顕在化しつつある。新聞各紙は2013年4月4日に警察庁が発表したデータを引用し、貸金業法の効果によりヤミ金融の被害件数が減少していると報道した。筆者はこうした一連の報道に違和感をもつ。筆者らが2013年1月に行ったアンケート調査において直近1年間のヤミ金融利用率は「消費者ローン利用経験者」ベースで9.8%と、2011年調査の3.3%を大きく上回った。また同様の増加傾向は日本貸金業協会が2012年11月に発表した調査でも確認されていた。実際、本報道の後もヤミ金融の被害を伝える事件は頻発している。2013年5月の事件に限定しても、ヤミ金融に従事していた袖ヶ浦市議が逮捕された事件や、ヤミ金融の亜種である偽装質屋やカード現金化に関する事件報道など後を絶えない。このようにヤミ金融被害の拡大は改正貸金業法による副作用の一つに過ぎない。本調査からヤミ金融被害をはじめとする貸金業法による一連の副作用が確認された。本稿では法改正が引き起こした諸問題について報告する。

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The main aim of this essay is to examine the characteristics of the political strength of the Imagawa family, Sengoku Daimyo of Suruga and Totomi Provinces, by inquiring into the land surveys (kenchi) which it carried out in the late 16th century. The author examines the land surveys of the Imagawa from two dimensions : from their scope -how broadly the survey could cover the land at one time -and this depth -how thoroughly the lord could survey the territory. With respect to the scope of the surveys, examining critically the views put forth by Mr. Arimitsu Yugaku in his essay in the journal, Nihonshi Kenkyu #138 (Jan. 1974), the author concludes that the surveys covered much wider areas than his local theory permits, and that his attempt to explain the motivation of the surveys from the content of the first article of the Imagawa Kana Mokuroku (the Imagawa family code), which provides guidelines for local lords concerning the conditions under which they could force customary cultivators to quit their tenancies in favor of cultivators who would pay higher rents, is itself in error. As to the depth of the surveys, the author investigates both their form and contents. She concludes that: 1)the surveys were not merely redigested reports from local land lords, but were actually carried out in a positive manner, including on-the-spot inquiries by Imagawa functionaries. 2)the surveys, by calculating the incomes from a strip of land -nengu (tribute) and kajishi (additional rents)- in terms of currency (kanmon), and by unifying these incomes into a monetary tax assessment system, represent a certain thoroughness which, while not directly related to "the abolishment of saku-ai" (those intermediary sub-rents abolished by Hideyoshi's surveys), can clearly be interpreted as a foreshadowing that the Imagawa would soon put an end to the multi-strata shiki-system characteristic of Japan's medieval period. With the help of an examination of commercial policies of the Imagawa, the author concludes that the Sengoku Daimyo represents an epoch-making type of political power, a power which grew by bringing under its span of control new areas heretofore out of the reach of the locally based lords (zaichi ryoshu) of the previous period ; and it is in this sense that she is able to see a Kinsei-type political power born, out of the chusei period.

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The purpose of this article is to investigate the historical meaning of the moratorium acts made by sengoku daimyo Gohojo in 1560. During the Middle Ages, the peasants would demand the moratorium acts at the time when the candidate succeeded to Tenno, Shogun, Lord. 1560 was the year when HOJO Ujimasa succeeded to sengoku daimyo. At that time the peasants in Gohojo ryokoku demanded that they didn't need to pay nengukuji only by money, zeni, and that they could rescind the debts, etc. These peasants' revolts prevailed over Gohojo ryokoku. Facing to these big revolts, the Gohojo couldn't but enforce the moratorium acts. They included the following contents, (1)The peasants could bring back their wives and children who had been serving their terms, (2)The peasants didn't need to pay their debts, (3)The peasants could get back their patches which had been lended for a period. But on the other hand, it could be applied in the following cases, because if the acts had been applied in these cases, Gohojo's rule of the peasants might have been destroyed, (1)Apart of nengu which was taken after by daikan and bugyo, (2)Kurazeni lended by the Gohojo, etc. And it is worth paying more attention to the fact that these acts included also the ptovision which meant that while paying nengu, the peasants could substitute rice for a half of it. The Gohojo put both tax reform and rescinding the debts into excution at the same time by these moratorium acts. This is how they could emphasize that they made wise administration for the peasants revolts. This point is the most important political meaning in these moratorium acts.

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