The products that people have manufactured, in their original intention, have two elements, One of them, that is, is the physical use value and the other is the semantic of symbolization. In this study of armour, I searched a series of the semantic of symbolization, the structure and the process In the second place, I have tried out the relativity between the use value and the symbolization. The swords, which have acted a host of life and death, have brought people to the supernatural impression on them. At first, people recognized that swords were symbolic of life. And then they regarded them as the symbolization of God who give life. In the fioal stage, swords were God itself, they concluded. From time immemorial, it is why people have substituted the imitations of the practical swords, In the second place, people took swords into consideration in its actionary elements as weapons fighting against harmfed devils, so them people considered them to be sym- bolic of the courage or righteousness. The possibility and credibility of the swords that people were dependent upon their whole life were put in the same line with their individual lives in value. Under the condition of the swords guaranteing their own creditability, the possibility of educing it were open only to the trainning in its skill of the users. This fact led the users to the spiritual intercourse, extremely close and dense. In consequence, many a well-knewn sword-makers came into existence, while the users used it as their own souls, put a deep meaning onit. The people sculptured in sword the constellation or the cloudings that they believed to keep its owner from devils. Swords were considered to give people the happiness and lonevity, without being confined merely to the original function to be a weapon. Sword, enshrined such meaning, often were dedicated to God. In case of Samurais, warriors in the fuedal periods, aii that they prayed were the luck in the war and the security of the country. The weapons necessities of Samurais dependent upon their lives, were loved to be gorgeous, only because Samurais wanted to be with a victory much more glorified, in the bloody scene. To be gorgeous and to be practical were always incompatible. Toward the end of 16 th century, Hideyoshi banned the farmers' possession of weapons Since them, these tools, whicht distinguished the beened from the permitted, became the status symbol, of cast system of men all ranks and classes. The practibility were all the more esteemed because the military tools were cruel. And at that same time, they had been made use with a deep significance. They give us good examples from the stand-point of our understanding the interrelation between human-beings and tools, and the use value of tools and the symbolization.

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In the description of Patroklos' death (Π 788-858) Apollo overcomes the hero with his own hand and knocks down his arms to earth, at the same time Euphorbos strikes him with a spear before Hektor give him a death blow. It seems, however, to be no great honor for Hektors to kill his enemy who is already wounded by the other hero, but there arises also the another question how he could rob him of his arms (cf. P 13, 125, esp. 205) if these were knocked down to earth. Now the present writer infers from many passages in the Iliad that there must have existed a poem on the death of Achilles which in many ways influenced the description of Patroklos' death. In the Iliad Apollo's intervention is to be explained from the fact that the hero wears Achilles' arms which the gods gave to Peleus as a wedding gift and that there is no Trojan who could check his advance. That the arms given or made by a god possess special qualities can be seen in many allusions to the invulnerability of Achilles' old and new arms, especially in the scene of 'kerostasia' where the scales of Zeus finally decide the fate of the heroes who both wear invincible arms. As for the fact that Apollo overcomes the hero with his own hand, it is unparalleled in the Greek epic and shows a most striking contrast to the death of Achilles. The latter is killed, as he tries to take Troy, by Apollo and Paris, and there can be no doubt that both, being noted for archery, used bows as weapons to overcome him. The difference, however, lies in that Patroklos does not wear his own, but Achilles' arms and that in a battle of those days the lending of one's arms necessarily leads to a disguise (cf. Π 41 f, 278 f) which may, however, be revealed eventually. Indeed, in the case of Patroklos the disguise and recognition is almost suppressed, with an evident intention on the part of the poet to heighten the effect of the hero's aristeia (for the disguise in a battle is contrary to the epic conception of a hero who tries to gain a good name for himself). But a close scrutiny of Patroklos' death shows that the stripping of his arms originally meant the recognition of a disguised hero. The poet of the Iliad, while he suppressed the disguise of Patroklos, used the motif of recognition to describe more vividly the tragic death of the hero struck with ατη. The role of Euphorbos, therefore, is but an extention of Apollo's act: he strikes Patroklos in the very same place as does the god who takes it upon himself to show who the hero really is. It follows then that here Apollo (=Euphorbos) and Hektor take over the roles played by Apollo and Paris in the death of Achilles. The contradictions as seen above are but the results of this development. The present writer sees the same motif of recognition, assuredly a popular one in the Greek epic, in Σ 203 ff where Achilles reveals himself to the Trojans and routs them with his shouts. For Iris explicitly bids him to show himself, i. e. to show that he is still alive, although Hektor has taken and put on his arms, a symbol of heroic honor and quality. Finally to be noted are many parallels between the death of Patroklos and that of Hektor: the death scenes of the two heroes etc.

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The debate in the first episode employs the opposition between the hoplite and the archer While Lycus disparages archers and exalts hoplites' bravery, Amphitryon points out a weakness of hoplites and applauds archers' cleverness It has recently been argued that the unusual portrayal of Heracles solely as an archer in the drama has the function of showing how independent he is from the others What each says about the hoplite, however, has not received the attention it deserves, in spite of the recognized prominence and importance of hoplite warfare in the classical period The present essay reexamines Amphitryon's lines on the hoplite (190-194) After this, the final scenes are discussed based on the preceding analysis First, Wilamowitz' widely accepted transposition of 191-2 after 193-4 is unfortunate since it conceals the point of Amphitryon's argument It should be noted, first of all, that the statement made in 190 is highly ambiguous "The weapons" (190) could refer to the other hoplites' arms as much as to that of the individual hoplite 191-4 provides the required amplification 190-4 as a whole centers on the hoplites' inherent defect of interdependence Breaking his spear (193-4) becomes crucial only after his companions break ranks(191-2), for the hoplites rely on each other for protection The broken spear represents a detail related to his death caused by 'the cowardice of those near him'(191), a human failure which seems to be the most significant point of the passage Second, Amphitryon's argument has a wider range of reference to Lycus and the civil strife in Thebes Lycus is reproached as 'coward' repeatedly and represented as a 'coward' hoplite He and his companions who have caused the civil strife in Thebes are censured for hurting 'those near them' so that their negative role in their polis corresponds to that of the 'coward' hophtes in the phalanx described by Amphitryon The chorus who are unable to fight now but once fought for Thebes as hoplites contrast sharply with Lycus and his companions The ideal, brave hophte of Lycus' speech is undermined In this way, Amphitryon's argument presents questions about how one should behave as 'a hoplite' or in a community, and on what foundation a community should stand Putting in question the framework of a existing community is an important theme in the drama In the final scenes, that Heracles' earlier isolation is transformed into a dependence on other human beings is signaled by military metaphor, which recalls the characteristics of the hoplite established earlier in the drama His transformation is obvious in his physically leaning on Theseus, which could be considered as a 'phalanx' relationship In consideration of the questions about the univocal understanding of 'hophte', what their 'phalanx' represents seems to be the potentiality of a new community In addition, their 'phalanx' relationship should not be identified completely with Heracles' new dependence on Athens, for the question still remains of how amicably the city can accept him, a problem man The reexamination of Amphitryon's argument about the hoplite, thus, allows us to interpret the drama from the point of view of exploring what a community should be

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Dogu-Hinagata (Japanese Traditional Furniture Reference Book) -the concept of architecture describe 317 kinds of furniture in 40 books. These furniture can be categorized into 14 functional groups like martial things, pleasure things, stationery, cooker and tableware, goods for tea and others. Through the analysis of items of contents, we recognized that there are patterns of constitutive items of representative furniture among these books. 12 items are originally written from old time and after that 32 items which involves 12 old items are dealt as the basic items of representative furniture for buke houses, and 24 items are basic to tea houses.

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木刀は剣道や古武道等において使用され，そのほとんどは宮崎県都城市で生産されている。カシ類で製作されることが 多く，製作過程はこれまでに調査が行われた。本稿では，現在の木刀の生産，流通の現状と課題を明らかにするために，木刀製作所や販売店，製材業者，原木市場，カシ類を利用する鉋や農林業用具の製作会社に対して2019～2020年に聞き取り調査を行った。その結果，若手職人の不足による技術継承の危機的状況が明らかとなった。若手職人不足の要因の一つは低賃金にあり，これは製作所の赤字経営に起因している。製品の値上げを実現するためには需給間の情報の隔たりが解消されることが望ましい。木刀産業は原料不足にも直面しており，人工林の造成技術や代替原材料が求められている。一方で，海外での需要は増加しており，今後輸出を考慮した生産の方向性を検討すべきである。

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There was a disagreement in the Late Republic concerning the military rank of A. Cornelius Cossus at the time when he dedicated the spolia opima to the temple of Iuppiter Feretrius. The annalistic tradition said Cossus was a tribunus militum ; but the antiquarian scholar Varro asserted that only a dux could dedicate the spolia, which hehad taken from the enemy he had killed in a duel, to the temple of Iuppiter Feretrius. In the time of Augustus, when the requirements for dedicating spolia opima became a political issue, antiquarians such as Verrius Flaccus were ordered by Augustus to settle the disagreement, and the ruler himself furnished some historical evidence to aid them-an epigraph Augustus alleged he had found in the temple of Iuppiter Feretrius (Liv., IV, 20, 6f.)-which indicated that Cossus had been a consul at the time of the dedication. Augustus informed Livy of the epigraph when he found out that Livy was writing about the legend of the duel of Cossus in his history. Livy, who often judged the trustworthiness of evidence according to the auctovitas of the witness, believed Augustus and expressed his trust by writing in a note that Cossus was a consul when he presented the spolia opima. However, in his actual textual treatment of the legend, Livy followed the annals as his source, and therefore described Cossus as a tribunus militum. Livy took this tack because he aimed at making his narration consistent, retelling the contents of the annalistic tradition in a style that matched the subject he was dealing with, rather than pondering the authenticity of his sources.

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Bakawa-Ferry-Nakata Barrier, also called Kurihashi Barrier, was named after the two places, Bakawa and Nakata, because it was situated near a ferry of the Tone-gawa going from Kurihashi (Saitama Prefecture) to Nakata (Ibaraki Prefecture). It was established there because on the east there was the great plain of Kwanta, while on the west there were several barriers like those of Hakone, Kobotoke and Usui. The purpose was to secure the public peace and order in Yedo (Tokyo).
The barrier above mentioned was, as shown in the picture, surrounded with a wooden fence, 14 ken in length and 15 ken in width, in the center of which there stood a barrier-office covering about 16 tsubo in area, guarded by four armed soldiers, who in turn watched on the passengers who went through the barrier.
As in all barriers, women and those carrying weapons were closely examined at this barrier. But those who were most severely examined were the so-called “coming-in-gun” (iri-teppo) and “going-out-woman” (de-onna). This indeed was to prevent guns entering Yedo which were considered to break its public peace and order, and wives or daughters of feudal lords who were forced to stay at Yedo as hostages, and this was the policy of the feudal government.

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本稿は福井藩の忍者について、松平文庫の藩政史料を用いた考察を加えることを目的としている。 まず制度面では、従来「忍之衆」として紹介されてきた同藩忍者が、藩内では「忍之者・忍組」と呼ばれていたこと、設 置期間は慶安2 ～慶応2 年（1649 ～ 1866）であったことなどを明らかにした。また、人数や家格、給禄、居住地の変遷をたどるとともに、明治初年の元「忍之者」の人名と、歴代「忍之者預り（忍之者支配）」の人名を史料から抽出した。 次に職掌面では、探索に代表される忍び御用やかれらが担った軍役の内容について事例を紹介しながら考察した。あわせて義経流忍術の稽古や管理といった同藩に特有の事例を紹介し、その職掌の多様性を示した。 最後に同藩における忍之者という役職が廃止されるに至った要因として、探索対象となる情報の高度化や探索者に求められる資質の高度化があったことを指摘した。

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