This article takes up the installation ceremonies of royal consorts during the first half of the Koryo period in Korea, that of the queen mother(冊太后儀)and that of the queen(冊王妃儀)in order to clarify one aspect of the introduction of Chinese-style rituals into Koryo society and examine the position of royal consorts as one important aspect of kingship during the period in question. In part one, the author compares the Koryo ceremonial system to the Tang period work, Kaiyuan-li開元礼, and shows that while the installation ceremony for the queen was based on Chinese institutions, such revisions as not allowing the queen or other court ladies to be present at the ceremony were added, according to the inclination of the Koryo custom of limiting the presence of women at ceremonies. Part 2 turns to the rituals surrounding the installation of the queen mother and reveals that the queen mother wielded more political authority than the queen as indicated other non-ritual related evidence. In addition, the queen mother's installation ceremony, which was introduced in 1086, was done so under the foreign influence of the Song dynasty and its own queen mother installation ceremony. This also marked the first time since Guang-jong光宗, when queens began to be chosen from the royal family, that a member of another aristocratic family was named queen mother. It was in this way that the queen mother's installation ceremony was introduced in order to demonstrate in a ritual manner her influential political position in Koryo society.

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In the present paper, the author examines the actual circumstances surrounding the existence of so-called "Japanese merchants 日本商人", who came to trade in China during the Song Period. The research to date has concluded that these merchants were ethnic Japanese maritime traders and costituted a counter move by Japan against the monopoly enjoyed by Song merchats over Sino-Japanese trade at that time. However, doubts about such anexplanation become evident when we consider that 1) no Japanese names appear in the related documentation from that time, and 2) Japan's trade with China continued to be entrusted as before to Chinese merchants designated as hakata goshu 博多綱首 (captains of Hakata). The way in which trade with Song China was organized in Japan at that time involved there hakata goshu being bound in patron-client relations to shrines, temples or other powers. As the formal consignors of trade ships, they would farm the voyages out to hakata goshu, who would be dealt with by the Song Dynasty as emissaries of the country's of the consignors. In actuality, voyages were financed by the captains themselves and/or other investors, including the official consignors ; and the captains would be paid a fixed fee for their services. In addition, the captains also profited from fares paid by passengers journeying abroad. These kinds of trading arrangements were prevalent all over Eurasia at that time. The practice of the Song Dynasty recognizing traders as emissaries of foreign countries gave rise to the possibility that a certain merchant would be dealt with differently depending on his mission. For example, Song trader Xu Derong 徐徳栄 was called a "captain of the Koryo Dynasty" when he was dispatched from Korea ; but when he returned to China after his duties in Korea were finished, he was considered to be an ordinary subject of the Song Dynasty. From similar examples, the author concludes that such "double identity" was business as usual in the Song China trade. Therefore, captains in the guise of emissaries from foreign lands were called "Japanese" or "Korean"based not on their ethnic origins, but rather on the country from which they had been dispatched. From the above discussion, the author concludes that the socalled "Japanese merchants" involved in the China trade during the Song period were merely traders sailing in ships financed and dispatched from Japan and were none other than hakata goshu of Chinese descent. Therefore, throughout the Song period (and later Yuan period, for that matter) Japan's trade with China was carried out in voyages captained by maritime traders of Chinese descent.

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This paper is to clarify on the characteristic of Kaegyong , the capital of the Koryo dynasty, by the role of the buddhist temples of Kaegyong as city ruling apparatus of governmental power. Based on a close study of historical records^ the role of the temple is shown to have extended to acting as a palace, a national religious service institution, a government officeN and as military facilities. These expended roles enabled the buddhist temples of Kaegyong to be the key institution of the national government rather than the simple religious one. The reformulation of the role of the temples of Kaegyong as an institution of government seems to be helpful for clarifying the character of Kaegyong as capital of Koryo.

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Sashihijiki forms a part of a bracket system supporting beams, rafters and eaves, It has long been considered as an imported element from Fujian province, southern China. This paper intends (1) to elucidate how Sashihijiki functions in Korea, China and Japan, and (2) to contrast how its functions differ from each other. It is found that the provenance of Sashihijiki appears to be different in each country. With this comparison, it is found that Korean Sashihijiki has a different root while Chinese and Japanese have the same one.

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Grain was a main source of the state revenue in the age of koryeo. Being collected all over the land as tax, grain was used to pay salaries to government officials, for the maintenanace of government offices, and for the provisions of the army. For the purpose of smooth transport of the tax grain to the capital the government founded thirteen choch'ang (漕倉) where they posted ships for the grain transport. Earlier studies have maintained that those choch'ang were the only state water transport system of tax grain Koryeo. But it was impossible to finish the work within the limited time only by the posted number of ships at choch'ang. It is necessary to pay attention to the means of transport that connected grain producing villages and choch'ang. It may have been that choch'ang system alone could not complete the water transport of tax grain. This article deals with kang as a complementary institution of choch'ang system. Hitherto paucity of data has inhibited students from paying much attention to it. The author analyzed the topography of the fifteenth century, and by comparing it with a map drawn on a scale of 1 to 50,000, could reconstruct fifty-five kang. The consequent findings as the nature of kang are as follows. (1) Kang are natural communities and at the same time the smallest unit of administrative organization. (2) Geographically seen, kang are ports. (3) The tasks of kang were to transport tax grain from producing villages to choch'ang or to the capital and to do harbour works of loading and unloading. (4) The above mentioned works were compulsory service imposed upon the inhabitants of kang. Only with kang as structurally complementary institution, choch'ang system could be operated with full efficiency. Thus the system of state water transport of tax grain in Koryeo is characterized by dual structure of choch'ang and kang, which was the smallest unit of administrative organization.

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Under the reign of Koryo Dynasty, Jonsaka (田柴科) and Kongum-jonsaka (功蔭田柴科) were the two mainstays of its land system. These were the land grant systems both for cultivation and for firewood gathering, and the latter was granted only to the Upper Ryanban (両班) (bureaucrat), whose decendants were to succeed it, while the former was to much wider classes as Ryanban, soldiers and pettyofficials. It has been a long-standing problem among acholars to clarify the actual state and the character of these systems. In this article, the present author tries to analyze this problem from his own viewpoint, through examining the actual situation of Kubunjon and Yongyob-jon and also their mutual relation. Yongyob-jon in the Early Koryo Period was limited to those classes as Ryanban, soldiers and pettyofficials and was inherited by their decendants according to the special law of succession, called Jonjong-ryonrib (田丁連立). This Yongyob-jon System had more than a close relation with Jonsaka or Kongum-jonsaka System, or it was, in author's opinion, but another name for them. To the latter part of Koryo Period, this Yongyob-jon System had died out. In the Early Koryo Period, the grant of Kubun-jon was restricted to a specified woman or aged one and was to return to State at one's death. Kubun-jon did not represent Jonsaka or Kongum-jonsaka itself, but had a complememtary relation ot it. Judging from this mutually complementary function, it is very natural that the death of Kubun-jon coincided with that of Yongyob-jon. Though there still existed Kubun-jon in Later Koryo Period, its character was entirely different from that of tha earlier. On reading the historical records of Koryo Dynasty, one would find the classification of land, called Kubun-jon or Yongyob-jon throughout this period, originated from the land system in Chine. In the earlier period, those two had a very close relation to each other and their actual ststem were far from Jun-tian System (均田制) in China. In the systems of Kubun-jon and Yongyob-jon themselves, one may point out a remarkable change between the Earlier and the Later Koryo Periods. This fact also suggests that Koryo Period saw an entire change in its land system.

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