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全文: "民主共和党" アメリカ
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  • 統合化と両極化のレトリック
    佐藤 貴子
    時事英語学研究
    2000年 2000 巻 39 号 29-42
    発行日: 2000/09/01
    公開日: 2012/11/13
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 安原 洋子, 近江 健吉, 藤本 一美, 天川 潤次郎, 野村 達朗, 長沼 秀世, 泉 昌一, 浜野 成生, 新川 健三郎, 大下 尚一, 榊原 胖夫, 大井 浩二, 吉田 和生, 井出 義光, 中野 秀一郎, 島田 太郎, 本間 長世
    アメリカ研究
    1986年 1986 巻 20 号 219-227
    発行日: 1986/03/25
    公開日: 2010/10/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―1980年以降の韓国を事例に―
    南 京兌
    年報政治学
    2012年 63 巻 1 号 1_161-1_181
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2016/02/24
    ジャーナル フリー
      This study explores to examine the organizational changes in Korea public bureaucracy since the Chun Doo Hwan administration. Why do some public organizations grow old and others die young? Is there any particular pattern in reorganizations of government organizations? How the turnover of political power in the presidential election has affected the government reorganizations?
      The decisive factor of government reorganizations is the political power shifting that involved in a wide range of organizational reform. Public organizations are at the greatest risk when the political turnover occurs, and the ruling party and the opposition party conflict with each other after the political turnover with accompanying large-scale reorganizations. And, agencies are more stable than cabinet-level departments.
  • 倉田 秀也
    国際政治
    2006年 2006 巻 145 号 158-161
    発行日: 2006/08/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 前嶋 和弘
    アメリカ研究
    2002年 2002 巻 36 号 151-169
    発行日: 2002/03/25
    公開日: 2010/11/26
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 姜 再鎬
    日本比較政治学会年報
    1999年 1 巻 135-152
    発行日: 1999/06/25
    公開日: 2010/09/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 綿貫 譲治
    社会学評論
    1994年 45 巻 2 号 158-171
    発行日: 1994/09/30
    公開日: 2009/10/13
    ジャーナル フリー
    本来, 今期 (1991-94年) の会長講演は, 田原音和会長により, 1992年の第65回大会において行われるべきものでありましたが, 田原会長の急逝 (1992年4月) により行うことができませんでした。1992年の大会で, 私が1992-94年の残任期間2年の会長に選出され, また, 研究活動委員会の御決定により, 第66回大会で私が会長講演を行うことになり, 恐縮に存じております。また, プログラム等には, 題目が, 「比較論的に見た日本の社会と政治」となっておりますが, 表記の通りに変更させて頂きます。また, 以下では, 「である」調で記録することをお許し下さい。
  • 朝鮮半島の国際政治
    小此木 政夫
    国際政治
    1989年 1989 巻 92 号 1-16,L5
    発行日: 1989/10/21
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The ratification of the December 1965 Japan-South Korea Treaty established formal diplomatic relations between Tokyo and Seoul. In terms of diplomatic negotiation process, on the one hand, it did nothing more than confirm the relationship between Japan and the Korean Peninsula which was already in existence following the Korean War; on the orther hand, it also announced the birth of a new international system among three countries, Japan-US-South Korea. The conclusion of the Japan-South Korea treaty itself, was Japan's first diplomatic initiative since the end of war and the first act of Japan-US burden-sharing. However, it didn't deny the existence of another government in the Korean Peninsula i. e. North Korea nor did it put constraints on future relations with it. The Japanese leaders clearly limited the treaty's scope of application to the southern half of the Peninsula; subsequent relations with North Korea would be entrusted to the international situation in the future.
    From that point of view, the 1972 U. S. detente with the Soviet Union and China, and the opening of the North-South Dialogue, brought a new perspective to Japan's relations with the Korean Peninsula. In fact, after Kissinger's July, 1971 China visit, in response to North Korea's invitation, Japanese-North Korean exchanges in the fields of sports, culture, and economy, rapidly developed. Furthermore, not only journalists, but also ruling and opposition Diet members began to visit to Pyongyang and hold discussions with Kim Il Sung. The Japanese government also clarified its policy on enlarging exchanges in nonpolitical fields. However, the North Korean side demanded establishing official diplomatic relations with Japan, which in essence, signified breaking relations with South Korea. In other words, North Korea would accept “coexistence with Japan” but would not permit “coexistence with South Korea.” With North Korea's announcement of suspending the North-South Dialogue, Japanese-North Korean relations took a turn to the worst.
    However, with the start of the Roh Tae Woo administration, when South Korea announced abandoning its policy of isolation with North Korea, in July of 1988, an atmosphere of improved relations prevailed once again. Interestingly enough, this time, it was the Japanese side that demanded contact between the two governments. Also, both countries did not, nor do they, seek the establishment of diplomatic relations in the near future. The North Korea side fears setting the spark to the issue of cross-recongnition if it were to establish diplomatic relations with Japan. Nor does the Japanese side believe cross-recongnition is possible. In other words, Tokyo-Pyongyang relations cannot go beyond the level of Moscow-Seoul relations. It is possible however, that after “squaring up” issues from the “unfortunate past, ” “limited coexistence” short of diplomatic recongnition, would comprise no more than cooperative economic relations. The resilience of this relationship i. e. Japan and North Korea, will be tested by whether or not it will be able to withstand the Tokyo-Seoul-Pyongyang “game of diplomacy” with all its complexity.
  • 慎 斗範
    年報行政研究
    1990年 1990 巻 25 号 127-148
    発行日: 1990/05/25
    公開日: 2012/09/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 百瀬 宏
    ソ連・東欧学会年報
    1977年 1977 巻 6 号 117-127
    発行日: 1977年
    公開日: 2010/03/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 国際政治研究の先端1
    近藤 久洋
    国際政治
    2004年 2004 巻 136 号 47-61,L8
    発行日: 2004/03/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article analyses long-term transformation of government-chaebol relationships in South Korea. Since Park Chung-Hee in the 1960s, all presidents Chun Doo-Hwan, Roh Tae-Woo, and Kim Young-Sam repeated cyclical transformation patterns of government-business relationships. Every president immediately after inauguration reinforced the legitimacy by initiating chaebol regulatory policies, which were along with anti-chaebol sentiments of people and economic necessities. Meanwhile, labour policies were liberalized. However, liberalized labour became extremely radical; it affected economic performance negatively. Moreover, as long as the Korean economy is largely based on chaebol, these chaebol reform measures required a certain pain of chaebol and ultimately led to worsening performance of the national economy at least for short-term. Since good economic performance, as well as strict chaebol reform, is one of the important sources of regime legitimacy, deteriorating economic performance negatively affected regime legitimacy and president popularity. Hence, while all regimes initiated chaebol regulations due to legitimacy, they also ironically returned to the conventional priority to economic growth due to legitimacy, too. Although the Kim Dae-Jung administration certainly succeeded in reforming chaebol after regime changes, these cyclical patterns were also emerging.
  • ―非党派性の制度化と選挙管理委員会―
    磯崎 典世, 大西 裕
    年報政治学
    2011年 62 巻 2 号 2_178-2_205
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2016/02/24
    ジャーナル フリー
      Under what conditions do the congress members revise the election-related law that might influence their own positions? This paper examined such a general question through the comparison between the fundamental change of party organization such as the abolition of local branch in South Korea in 2004 and its failure in 2000. This paper discovered the following points. First, the electoral system to which parliament member is punished easily by the voters must exist. Second, incumbent members' agreement to law revision depends on what frame interpreting the social phenomenon is offered to the voters. In our case, what made the incumbent members who persisted in their partisan policy package accept non-partisan policy package was the successful presentation by the election administration committee as an independent actor to the voters of the frame which locates the abolition of local branch in non-partisan policy package. However now, such a model is tested only in the cases where many of voters are low in the party identity, and have distrust in the party like South Korea. This model can be applied also in other cases, but the elaboration of the applicable condition is future tasks.
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