A number of empirical studies on the Chinese enterprise reform have identified the ownership effect on managerial performance. Somewhat surprisingly, although many of these, explicitly or implicitly, assume the difference in managerial targets (motives) by ownership type, for example state-owned enterprises have weaker profit motives than other type enterprises, few studies empirically tested the validity of this assumption. Using a unique data set on the Chinese enterprises, this paper investigates the relationship between ownership types and managerial targets. The data, that are collected by Chinese Academy of Social Science include the manager’s answers on the priority among managerial targets: value-added maximization, sales maximization, profit maximization, scale expansion, employee’s income/welfare maximization. With respect to ownership we regrouped original ten types into the following four types: Traditional enterprises (state-owned, urban collective-owned and joint-operation), Rural collective-owned enterprises, Joint stock companies (limited liability corporations, share-holding corporations ltd. and　share-holding partnership enterprises) and Private enterprises (private, partnership and foreign funded). In logit model the dependent variable is binomial that equals 1 if the most prior target is profit maximization, 0 otherwise. Main explanatory variables are three ownership type dummies, Rural collective-owned, Joint stock and Private (default is Traditional). The estimation result is contrary to expectation, none of these three ownership dummies has significant coefficient. Any ownership effect is not identified. The other factors, sales volume and manager’s working years influence to the choice of managerial targets. Some supplemental analyses are attempted to confirm the robustness of this result. Estimating the model that includes new explanatory variable, the share of public-owned capital, in place of ownership dummies, the coefficient of this continuous variable is not significant. All of multivariate logit model, ordered logit model and principal component analysis also basically lead the same conclusion, i.e. no ownership effects to managerial targets.

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In Macau, on the 25th of May in 2014, more than 10,000 citizens marched in protest against government’s proposal to pay hefty amounts of retirement benefits to high-rank government officials. There were also citizens who supported the government’s proposal, about 1,000, marched through same route on the same day. Two hundred sixty police officers were dispatched. Despite the size of this political protest in the small Special Administrative Region, no violence took place.

Between the night of 27th and the morning of 28th, 5,000 citizens sat-in surrounding the Legislative Committee Building. On the 29th, the government of Macau has submitted to the action of its citizens and withdrew its proposal. The movement was lead by non-communist labour union, anti-communist political parties and individual journalists. It was organized by SNS such as facebook.

Why do this kind of non-violence movements succeed in Macau? One important factor is that the population at large in Macau forms a sort of ‘Intimate Sphere’ where people have little antagonistic or hostile feeling towards one another.

Historically speaking, the police force of Macau has been reluctant to use physical power to control on-the-street political movements unless the movements are related to constitutional or ‘core interest of the nation’ matters. The court’s decision to support citizens’ freedom to express political opinions in public in 2013 has helped to reconfirm this tendency of police not to engage in political issues.

In this small special administrative region, most of the community members have friends or relatives in both sides of political groups or in the police force. This sentiment inherently makes it difficult for political disputes escalate to physical violence.

The representative system of Macau is not yet completely institutionalized. However, the several informal ways of soliciting public opinions are effective in this small administrative region. This can be taken as an example or experimental case of future democratization of entire China.

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The present article considers the unique character of rural society in modern Guangdong Province's Pearl River Delta region through an analysis of the people's militia policy implemented by the Guangzhou Nationalist Government and the actual conditions of the militias that were organized on the ground. The policy, which was first implemented in 1923, was a pre-Northern Expedition attempt to maintain law and order in a post-Xinhai Revolution rural society wracked with civil unrest, by organizing armed militias to defend each administrative district. The policy's basic legislation, called Regulations Concerning People's Militias in the Provinces (Quansheng Mintuan Tiaoli 全省民団条例), established a framework for subordinating the militia's under the government, but also guaranteed their autonomy vis-a-vis the rural communities they were defending. In the background to this recognition of autonomy lay the pre-policy custom of the formation of self-defense forces centered upon local elites; therefore, the Government attempted to further its integrated governance of the provinces by institutionalizing this custom under the state. Nevertheless, in reality, the actual formation of the militias on the ground was based on traditional Chinese patrilineal kinship groups (zongzu 宗族), meaning that instead of providing self-defense for rural communities as a whole, the militias functioned more to preserve zongzu organization and even expand its influence. Consequently, a clash of interests emerged between the Guangzhou Government attempting to exercise its control over the militias and the zongzu resisting such control; and it was this discrepancy between policy principles and reality that made it impossible for the Government to establish real political control over rural society. Therefore, the maintenance of law and order in rural society was made possible by militias organized according to the bonds of patrilineal kinship, not government policy. Moreover, the strength of such kinship bonds also exceeded that of the Chinese Communist Party-sponsored peasant struggle (Nongmin Yundong 農民運動) against the feudal ruling class, which was being conducted at the same time as the people's militia policy. Although there were many cases of peasant associations organized within zongzu-led locales, most had very little influence on rural society, in general, and patrilineal kinship bonds in particular. Within the civil unrest which followed the Xinhai Revolution, the defense of life and property in the face of a breakdown of law and order in rural society would have been impossible without traditional experience and forms of organization, as well as the zhongzu themselves, which financed the self-defence efforts. This is why the traditional zhongzu bonds of kinship were indispensable to peace and security in Pearl River Delta society during the 1920s.

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本研究は、中国の 212都市を対象として、土地使用権の流動性と都市特性との関連性を明らかにした上で、地域の状況に応じた今後の土地利用管理政策についての方向性を提示することを目的としたものである。先ず、 1949年から現在までの中国の土地利用制度と土地管理政策を整理し、五つの時期に分け、各時期の特徴を明らかにする。次に、対象都市の都市経済指標と土地利用指標を用いて、主成分分析 /クラスター分析を行い、 7グループに類型し、各グループの経済発展レベルと都市化レベルの対応関係及び特徴を明らかにする。最後に、類型ごとの都市特性と土地使用権の転換状況の関係を比較分析・考察し、その結果に基づいて、類型ごとの今後の土地利用管理政策の方向性を提示している。

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China has been adhering to a policy of stringent prohibition, strict control, and severe punishment in anti-doping practice. Now, in the face of 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, China has reinforced its anti-doping movement even further by taking the following measures.
1. Increased doping testing. Since 1990, China has invested large sums of money in doping testing. The number of tests has increased from 165 in 1990 to 4, 896 in 2003.
2. More stringent punishment for drug use. Drug use is clearly prescribed in anti-doping regulations. For example, when an athlete has a positive doping test for the first time, punishments such as a two-year suspension from competition and a fine of up to 80, 000 yuan are imposed.
3. Improvements to the sports legal system. Since 1989, China has drafted and promulgated over 30 decrees that constitute the central part of China's legal system on anti-doping and gradually moves the anti-doping movement into a legal system.
4. Reinforced anti-doping information and education. Sticking to the concept of “prevention through education”, China has paid much attention to the education of athletes and their supporting staffs to ensure that they have a correct understanding of the dangers of doping and resist the use of drugs. Much research has been conducted on athletes' cognition and attitudes towards drug use, and a publication entitled ‘Recent Developments In Anti-doping’ is published to provide up-to-date information.
5. Linking to scientific methods. China's Anti-doping Test Center has passed annual examinations by the IOC every year for the past 15 since 1989. It remains a first-class laboratory that provides powerful technical support for monitoring drug use as well as for doping testing during the coming 2008 Beijing Olympic Games.

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 In recent years, with the economic development and the improvement of living standards in China, the energy consumption has been increasing significantly. To create a sustainable society, it is important to clarify the energy consumption and CO₂ emissions in the residential sector, especially that in the urban houses because China is in the process of urbanization.
 Studies on the residential energy consumption in China have been carried out in Japan as well as China. Yoshino et al.¹⁾ have made clear the energy consumption of apartment houses for six Chinese cities by surveying; Zhang et al.²⁾ clarified the energy consumption for the capital cities in China in 1997 using the official statistics, developing a model predicting energy consumption in the residential houses in China; Ning et al.³⁾ investigated the structure of energy consumption using the Chinese statistics; Yu et al.⁴⁾ clarified energy consumption by questionnaire surveying and simulations for six Chinese cities; Ling et al.⁵⁾ investigated the consumption of electricity and gas for 23 areas in Beijing and made clear the average energy consumption except energy for district heating. All these studies can be classified into two methods: statistical and survey methods. With the statistical method, researches often face the problem of lacking the items needed in their researches; but with the survey method, it is difficult to tell if the results can represent the reality. Because the statistical method is based on large number of residents, it is used in this study. All the studies mentioned above have not been able to make clear the trend of energy consumption in the urban houses, nor the CO₂ emissions caused by the energy consumption.
 In this study, based on Chinese statistics, unit energy consumption for 277 Chinese cities is clarified during the period of 2002-2012. The emissions of CO₂ caused by energy consumption per household are also analyzed. The main conclusions of this study are as follows:
 (1) Energy consumption per urban household increases from 12.3 GJ to 23.1GJ in the period of 2002 - 2012. The percentage of each kind of energy was clarified;
 (2) The emissions of CO₂ per urban household increases from 1, 689 kg CO₂ to 3,559 kg CO₂ in the period of 2002 - 2012. The weight of CO₂ emissions caused by different kinds of energy resources was made clear;
 (3) Energy consumption and CO₂ emissions per household in the capital cities is 1.44-fold and 1.42-fold of the average, respectively.

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