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クエリ検索: "河合秀和" 政治学者
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  • 河合 秀和
    英文学研究
    1984年 61 巻 2 号 444-445
    発行日: 1984/12/01
    公開日: 2017/04/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本政治学会文献委員会
    年報政治学
    1974年 25 巻 194-205
    発行日: 1974年
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 自由化のパラドクスと「政治」の復権
    小玉 重夫
    教育社会学研究
    2002年 70 巻 21-38
    発行日: 2002/05/15
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    The 1990s were a turning point in world history; as Eric Hobsbawm wrote in his recent book, the “short twentieth century” ended in the early 1990s. With regard to public education, not only in Europe and North America, but in Japan as well, the structure of the public education system underwent dramatic change during the 1990s.
    In this paper I examine the characteristics of this change. The dominant feature of the change in the 1990s has often been conceptualized as “liberalization, ” or the “deregulation” or “marketization” of public education. However, this conceptualization does not adequately grasp the political aspect of the change, as Chantal Mouffe demonstrated when she termed it “the return of the political, ” or Nancy Fraser when she called the dilemma of justice in a “post-socialist” age one that was moving “from redistribution to recognition.” Focusing on this political aspect of the change in public education in the 1990s, I clarify the specificity of the historical context of this change.
    As in the Western countries, opportunities for public education in Japan expanded to all areas of society during the 1960s. There was, however, an important difference in the characteristics of this expansion between the West and Japan. In the West, it was initiated by the policy of the welfare state. In Japan, by contrast, the role of the welfare state was less important, and was replaced by the depoliticized triangle of family, school, and private enterprise.
    In the 1990s, Japan experienced major social and political upheavals. The “bubble economy, ” which had prevented the manifestation of economic crisis, burst in the early years of the decade. The depoliticized triangle of family, school, and private enterprise, which had replaced the welfare state, fell into a crisis of legitimacy.
    It was at this point that the triangle began to break down, and the need arose for an alternative to it. In this situation, the actual possibility emerged of a return of “the political.” In order to seek this possibility, it is necessary to reconstruct the space of political significance as well as democratic citizenship. The task of public education here should be focused on political life, which is, as Giorgio Agamben cited, to be distinguished from biological life. This is one of the most important points in the restructuring of public education.
  • 河合 秀和
    年報政治学
    1979年 30 巻 230-239
    発行日: 1981/09/30
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 相良 英明
    比較文学
    1988年 30 巻 19-30
    発行日: 1988/03/31
    公開日: 2017/06/17
    ジャーナル フリー

     The acceptance of George Orwell in Japan can be separated into four periods.

     The first period was from 1949 to 1952. At first, Animal Farm was translated into Japanese in 1949 and Nineteen Eighty-Four in 1950. At that time, these novels were generally considered to be those of simple anti-communism. Only few novelists, scholars and critics knew that they had deeper and more complicated themes.

     The second period was from 1956 to 1961. In this period, mainly his short stories and essays were introduced to Japanese readers. And his stories and essays were used for English textbooks for high school and college students. From that time, the critical studies on George Orwell began to increase.

     The third period was from 1966 to 1973. His nonfiction and journalistic writings such as Down and Out in Paris and London, Homage to Catalonia and four volumes of The Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell were translated into Japanese. His works drew attention from various points of view. He was recognized not only as an anti-communist novelist and a fine prose writer but also as a journalist, nonfiction writer, science fiction writer, democratic-socialist, and a volunteer soldier in the Spanish War.

     The fourth period began from 1982. Of course it was because of the year of Nineteen Eighty-Four. Especially from the latter half of 1983 through 1984, there was a George Orwell and Nineteen Eighty-Four boom. In newspapers and journals, they were treated and mentioned over and over again. His novels were all translated into Japanese. Some biographies and many critical studies of George Orwell have been published. Many kinds of people such as novelists, poets, critics, literary scholars, economists, political scientists, sociologists, architects, government officials, and so on commented on George Orwell and Nineteen Eighty-Four.

     Through these periods, such novelists as TAKEDA Taijun, KAIKOU Takeshi, KOMATSU Sakyo and ITSUKI Hiroyuki were much concerned with George Orwell and wrote about him and his writings. Especially KAIKOU Takeshi published a book Today Is the Tomorrow of Yesterday which included his critical essays on G. Orwell. KAIKOU praised him and was much influenced by him. He wrote Something Coming from the Seashore and The Shining Darkness under the influences of George Orwell.

  • 後藤 宣代
    文化経済学
    1998年 1 巻 2 号 87-95
    発行日: 1998/10/31
    公開日: 2009/12/08
    ジャーナル フリー
    生誕以来400年を迎えるオペラに、かつてなく関心が高まっている。本稿は、ショスタコーヴィチのオペラ『ムツェンスク郡のマクベス夫人』を取り上げ、普通人の世紀としての現代社会におけるオペラの社会性を考察する。オペラが有する独自な総合芸術性という観点から、この作品に内在的な分析を試みる。言葉と音という社会的媒体を通して表現される芸術と、普通人の理想と希望、力と富と趣味との社会的な相互作用が明らかとなろう。
  • 日本外交史研究 第一次世界大戦
    桜井 敏照, 藤村 道生, 山沢 啓造, 義井 博, 渡辺 正幸
    国際政治
    1963年 1963 巻 23 号 74-90
    発行日: 1963/10/15
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 田中 善一郎
    選挙研究
    1999年 14 巻 19-31,177
    発行日: 1999/02/28
    公開日: 2009/01/22
    ジャーナル フリー
    ギリシャ以来の民主政治に対して,選挙を通じて選出された代表者を通じて統治する代議制民主政治は18世紀末以来の人類にとって有望な統治のための装置となった。しかし,選挙で有権者が行う投票の内容は本質的に曖昧である。すなわち,有権者が,もしあるとしても,いかなる理由から特定の政党や候補者に投票したのかは自明ではない。本稿は,民主政治における選挙をめぐる重要なテーマの中から,代表,多数,公約,マンデート,そして,投票の手段性を取り上げ,投票と選挙結果が有する本質的な曖昧性の視点を中心に,それらが抱える問題点を検討する。現代の民主政治における選挙は,理論と実践の両面において,十分注意して取り扱わねばならない。
  • 浦野 起央, 柴 宜弘, 亀井 紘, 柳沢 英二郎, 有賀 貞, 加茂 雄三
    国際政治
    1979年 1979 巻 61-62 号 160-211,L5
    発行日: 1979/05/25
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This Part contains six papers by ten writers which trace the development of area studies in post-war Japan: East Asia, South-East Asia, the Middle East and Africa, the USSR and Eastern Europe, Western Europe, and the Americas. With Japan's economic and political comeback to the world scene during the after the post-war reconstruction for ten years, area studies began to make progress in this country to reach a new stage some ten years later. The strong influence of the past overseas trends in this field of study, especially of the orthodox Marxism and the American approach, started waning, while Japanese researchers came to find their own methods of study and produce many dependable works. According to some contributors to this Part, a new generation of area studies researchers, who have a good command of the languages of the areas to study, have published a number of excellent works. Today researches in this field in Japan are beginning to take on an original character based on the new research methods and produce works which on the whole are creative. But the current disciplinary situation is not free from shortcomings or unbalance. There remains a need for more systematic or organizational researches.
  • 日本政治学会文献委員会
    年報政治学
    1972年 23 巻 285-298
    発行日: 1973/03/30
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―国際連盟改革論の位相―
    帶谷 俊輔
    国際政治
    2018年 2018 巻 193 号 193_76-193_91
    発行日: 2018/09/10
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル フリー

    This article addresses debates about “Reform” of the League of Nations from the viewpoint of Britain and China. “Reform” of the League was one of the contentious issues among the statesman, diplomats and intellectuals in the 1930s. They focused on the pros and cons of collective security and Article 16 of the Covenant of the League of Nations because the “failure” of the League to stop Japanese invasion of Manchuria and Italian invasion of Abyssinia threatened the collapse of the League. There were two major opinions in the debate, “the Coercive League” and “the Consultative League”. “The Coercive League” was the course to reinforce collective security to prevent further aggression. Conversely, “the Consultative League” argument was to weaken collective security and induce Germany, Italy, and Japan to cooperate with the League. Deliberations took place in both the Council, which was led by Great Powers, and the Assembly, in which Small Powers could have greater influence. Therefore, this article deals with Britain as an example of a Great Power and China as one of a Small power.

    The League was centered on the rapprochement rather than the enforcement in the late 1920s. Article 11 of the Covenant was more important than Article 16 in mediating disputes and reconciling belligerents. Britain administered the League Council through “the Concert of Europe,” which consisted of British, French and German Foreign Minister. The League Council was where the Powers consulted with each other. In contrast, China discovered the value of the Assembly as an arena of world opinion.

    Japanese invasion of Manchuria from 1931 to 1933 destroyed the credibility of collective security and cooperation between the Powers. Furthermore, the Small Powers were irritated by the indecisiveness of Great Powers, especially Britain. Some officials of British Foreign Office began to consider “reform” of the League for the purpose of weakening collective security and reestablishing the superiority of Great Powers over Small Powers after the Manchurian Incident.

    The Abyssinian Crisis from 1935 to 1936 accelerated this trend. The League of Nations voted for economic sanctions against Italy, but members including Britain didn’t carry out them fully. However, some Latin American members protested against the sanctions because they disrupted trade with Italy. The League Assembly set up a committee to study “the Application of the principle of the covenant of the League of Nations.” Even though Britain was pro-Consultative, she hesitated to revise the covenant. China was pro-Coercive and concerned about regionalizing collective security. The clash between two opinions left “reform” of the League deadlocked in the end.

  • 伊達 聖伸
    宗教研究
    2007年 81 巻 3 号 531-554
    発行日: 2007/12/30
    公開日: 2017/07/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    フランスの政教関係を定めた「ライシテ」の原理は、いわゆる近代社会の基本的原則たる政教分離を最も徹底させたものだとしばしば見なされている。それを裏づけるように、フランスのライシテは、「アメリカの市民宗教」-教会から切り離されたユダヤ=キリスト教の文化的要素が政治の領域に明白に見て取れる-とは構造を異にすると分析されている。だが、この差異から、フランスでは政治の領域に宗教的次元が存在しないという結論が導けるわけではない。事実、研究者のあいだでは、ライシテ(およびこの原理に即した近代的な価値観)を市民宗教などのタームでとらえることの妥当性が問われている。本稿では、彼らの議論の一部を紹介しながら、市民宗教の五類型を提示し、ライシテがいかなる条件において、どのような意味での「市民宗教」に近づきうるのかを、ライシテの歴史の三つの重要な節目-フランス革命期、第三共和政初期、現代-におけるいくつかの具体例を通して検討する。
  • 年報政治学
    1989年 40 巻 212-227
    発行日: 1990/03/29
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • その政府不信と体制信仰について
    越智 敏夫
    政治思想研究
    2007年 7 巻 32-56
    発行日: 2007/05/01
    公開日: 2012/11/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 渡辺 昭夫, 織 完, 志鳥 學修, 山本 武彦, 山本 吉宣, 黒川 修司, 山口 圭介
    国際政治
    1979年 1979 巻 61-62 号 269-326,L5
    発行日: 1979/05/25
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    International Relations Theories in Japan have been imported mainly from the United States. It is based on this characteristics that innovative and original research activities for the theory development could not become main currents in academic circles of Japan. Until recently, the Japan Association of International Relations was not exceptional for such import-oriented character of the discipline except some cases such as those related to the studies of Japan and Asia.
    International Relations Theories have three different aspects: semantic, syntactic and pragmatic. Along the line of international relations theory, semantic revolution should have developed in the first stage, provided that post-war Japan has been born as disarmed nation-state. However, it is ironical that non-academic intellectual magazines and journals were rather enthusiastic only for semantic innovation of theory in which a very few international relations theory-builders participated as one of generalists independent of his academic discipline.
    In the fields of syntactic revolution, it was quite recently that younger generation has become, step by step, innovative for theory development activities. Young scholars who could get Ph. D. in the U. S. gradually became not content of importing parochial theory of international relations mostly produced by American schloars.
    As far as pragmatic revolution is concerned, 10 years time-lag of soft-ware development of computers compared with those in the U. S. is still strong obstacle for innovative research activities in Japan. Of course, in this field, a few mathematically well trained political scientists tried to use computers for the application of new statistics such as multivariate statistical methods to the analysis of international relations data already in the 1960's. However, most of progress by them was made outside universities because use of computers within universities was very backward till recently. Data bank construction was also very difficult particularly in the fields of international relations and, as a result, aggregate data analysis did not develop except a very few cases which government sink-tank supported financially and technically.
    Integration of theory development and empirical analysis also has not been successful because of poor organization of empirical research in Japan. In spite of limitations explained above, there is a hopeful symptom that characteristics of post-war Japan as a disarmed nation-state would provide rich potentiality in the future.
  • 伊東 孝之
    ロシア史研究
    1995年 56 巻 78-97
    発行日: 1995/03/25
    公開日: 2017/07/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 藤原 帰一
    年報政治学
    2000年 51 巻 97-119
    発行日: 2001/01/30
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本政治学会文献委員会
    年報政治学
    2000年 51 巻 185-208
    発行日: 2001/01/30
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 藤岡 健太郎
    史学雑誌
    2007年 116 巻 10 号 1629-1663
    発行日: 2007/10/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The main focus of this article is the perception within Japanese public opinion about how the East Asian international order should be structured and function following the end of the First World War. In concrete terms, the author discusses how the logic of "refusing to allow meddling in the affairs of East Asia" was formed through process of the founding of the League of Nations and the proceedings of the Washington Conference of 1921-22, and in what way this logic was legitimized, the answers to which will hopefully better clarify Japan's perceptions of East Asia at the time. Regarding the League of Nations, during its formation period, there were expectations in Japan that the new world organization would institute an "open door" policy for solving the problems at hand. Utilizing the League to force the United States, Great Britain and France to open their doors was no doubt an attempt by Japan to further its national interests, but at the same time was legitimized on the basis of such a policy being implemented in the spirit of internationalism. However, in reality, as a result of the Washington Conference, an open door policy was demanded of Japan, which led to a greater presence of the West, especially the United States, in the international affairs of East Asia. This the reason why the Conference was so strongly criticized in Japanese public opinion. This criticism was based on international law, the Monroe Doctrine and the "open door" policy itself. In any case, such criticism created the logic for Japan's claims to the right to refuse meddling by the West in the international affairs of East Asia. That is to say, Japan legitimized attempts to protect its national interests in the form of a "refusal to allow meddling" according the above three "universal principles." In response to the heavy pressure that was applied to abide by the "Washington Treaty system, " Japan stubbornly rebutted with its own logic of the right to "refute meddling, " which helped set the tone for subsequent political views about East Asian affairs in Japan.
  • 日本政治学会文献委員会
    年報政治学
    2002年 53 巻 247-274
    発行日: 2002/12/20
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
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