全文: "準軍事組織"
27件中 1-20の結果を表示しています
  • 荒 哲
    2018年 64 巻 3 号 33-59
    発行日: 2018/07/31
    公開日: 2018/08/28
    ジャーナル フリー

    This study is intended to answer the following questions: what caused some of the Filipino masses to collaborate with the Japanese?; and why did their collaboration for the Japanese bring about severe violence?

    Over seventy years or so since the end of the Asia-Pacific War in Asia, numerous academic works have been discussing so far the subject matters on the Japanese Occupation of the Philippines. However, only a few of them have discussed the issues of the collaboration with the perspectives from “below.” Even though there have been published numerous studies on the Filipino popular history, very few historians have examined the nature of collaborationism transpired in the local setting of the Philippines with such perspectives.

    This paper aims to shed light on rampant severe violence frequently happened among the masses or locals in Leyte Island of the Philippines, one of the rural areas of the country, during the Japanese occupation, that have not yet been thoroughly examined in Philippine historiography. Applying theoretical frameworks of Ranajit Guha (2007) dealing with the historical study on the mass movement in India, this study tries to clarify the characteristics of the mass violence by focusing on the actuations of a number of actors, most of whom belonged to low middle class including some local governmental officials (municipal mayors, treasurers, or chieftains of small villages in the province), local small merchants or landless peasants with a scant educational background. These kind of people tended to be treated as minor actors in “periphery” in the Philippine society when describing the history of the Japanese occupation of the Philippines. Some of them were said to be involved in severe violence during the time of their organizing some paramilitary groups for the Japanese such as the Home Guard in Ormoc or Jutai in Abuyog. Being minor one in Philippine historiography, the significance of mass violence have had been ignored, and these violent incidents were considered nothing but black side of patriotic movements against the Japanese initiated by the anti-Japanese guerrilla groups. Therefore, their involvement in the local history have been forgotten on the minds of locals and local historians as well.

    Discussing several cases presented in this paper, the author tries to posit that such minor actors in “periphery” of the Philippine society tried to delineate themselves in the elite-dominated society like Leyte Province by collaborating with the Japanese. Unfortunately, their activities were too sporadic to unite other minor elements toward the unified movement as the Sakdal Movement or Hukbalahap Movement in Luzon Island did during that time.

  • 柴田 修子
    2016年 33 巻 1 号 41-54
    発行日: 2016年
    公開日: 2020/11/19
    解説誌・一般情報誌 オープンアクセス
  • 「民主化」以後のラテンアメリカ政治
    二村 久則
    2002年 2002 巻 131 号 33-48,L7
    発行日: 2002/11/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In today's Colombia, more than ten thousand people, including many civilians, are killed every year as a result of intensive armed conflicts and terrorist attacks. Also there are about three thousand kidnaps per year, mostly civilians, politicians and journalists, committed by guerrillas and paramilitary squads. All this victimization has been brought about by the country's recent socio-political situation, which Colombians refer to simply as la violencia. The authors of la violencia are divided into three categories. First, the Marxist anti-government guerrilla groups which mainly consist of two organizations, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) with eighteen thousand soldiers and the smaller National Liberation Army (ELN) with three thousand soldiers. Second, the Colombia-based international drug trafficking cartels with hired gunmen and terrorists. Third, the ultra-rightist paramilitary squads integrated into an organization called the United Self-defense Forces of Colombia (AUC). All these groups are engaged in either attacking the national armed forces and police forces or fighting each other. This has resulted in the creation of a civil war-like situation throughout the country.
    The main reasons why Colombia has fallen into such a desperate situation are above all the wide disparity in wealth between the rich and the poor, social injustice and corruption. In addition, however, we can point to the lack of governability to contain these illegal armed groups or the hardline policies designed to resolve the conflicts only through a show of a force during past two decades. In short, recent years have witnessed a paralysis of democracy in Colombian politics and society. Theoretically, a modern nation-state legitimizes its monopoly of violence via national military and police forces to secure national security and law and order and to maintain its ultimate power. But in Colombia's case, the existence of several forces in opposition to the national ones is challenging the sovereignty of the state. This sovereignty is further challenged by the 42, 000km2 so-called “demilitarized zone” in the middle of the country which was established as a result of peace talks between the government and FARC in 1999. The existence of this demilitarized zone where no official army or police personnel can enter is evidence of Colombian sovereignty being at bay.
    In 1999, the government led by President Pastrana launched a comprehensive policy package named “Plan Colombia” to ease this situation by putting an end to armed conflicts. The government requested the international community to provide a billion dollars of financial assistance to implement this plan. The aim of this paper is, firstly, to take a general view of the illegal armed groups; secondly, to assess past governments' policies toward la violencia; and finally, to critically analyze the “Plan Colombia”. The author concludes that the Plan is too simplistic and one-sided to resolve the armed conflicts and demonstrates per se the critical situation of Colombian democracy.
  • 現代アジアにおけるアーカイブズの役割
    ウトモ ジョーコ, 前川 佳遠理
    2005年 3 巻 2-10
    発行日: 2005/11/15
    公開日: 2020/02/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 上谷 直克
    2019年 35 巻 2 号 1-25
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2019/03/07
    解説誌・一般情報誌 フリー HTML

    今年V-Dem(Varieties of Democracy)研究所から発行された年報Democracy Report 2018: Democracy for All?によると、ここ約10年の世界の民主政の様態は、概して「独裁化(autocratization)」傾向を示しているという。もちろん、普通選挙の実施に限れば、常態化している国もみられるため、この場合の「独裁化」は、普通選挙以外の側面、つまり、表現および結社の自由や法の下の平等に関してのものである。現代社会で最も正当とみなしうる政治体制は自由民主主義体制であり、それは慣例的に「自由」を省略して単に「民主主義体制」と呼ばれるが、皮肉にも現在、世界の多様な民主制が概してダメージを被っているのは、まさにこの省略されがちな「自由」の部分なのである。同時期のラテンアメリカ諸国での民主政をみてみると、ここでも選挙民主主義の点では安定した様相をみせているが、自由民主主義指標の変化でみると、ブラジル、ドミニカ共和国、エクアドル、ニカラグア、ベネズエラの国々でその数値の低下がみられた。しかし,世界的な傾向とは若干異なり,これらの国では「自由」の中でも,執政権に対する司法や立法権からの制約の低下が著しかった。本稿では、上記の世界的傾向や近年のラテンアメリカ地域での傾向をV-Demデータを使ってみたところ低下がみられた、ベネズエラを除いた上記4カ国の最近の政治状況について端的に報告する。

  • ―人道危機監視ネットワークの生成と展開―
    五十嵐 元道
    2018年 2018 巻 193 号 193_140-193_156
    発行日: 2018/09/10
    公開日: 2018/12/19
    ジャーナル フリー

    In contemporary international relations, it is almost impossible to acknowledge the actual situation of armed conflicts without the reports of human rights NGOs. These reports often record detailed data, including the number of civilian casualties, and therefore contribute to the construction of the representation of armed conflicts. While constructivism analyzes the normative power of human rights and NGOs, it misses the struggle over the representation of armed conflicts between human rights NGOs and sovereign states. Applying P. Bourdieu’s theory of fields, this article demonstrates how human rights NGOs have fought against sovereign states and acquired a decisive influence over the representation of armed conflicts. Sovereign states and NGOs have constituted global and local fields in which actors wrangle over legitimacy by making the representation of the armed conflicts.

    This article argues that the struggles over the representation of armed conflicts between states and NGOs began in the late 1960s because of several post-colonial conflicts such as the Nigerian Civil War (the Biafran War) and the Northern Yemen Civil War. In these conflicts, traditional neutrality rarely afforded protection from military attack to NGOs; on the contrary, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)’s policy of avoiding testimony faced severe criticism as this policy seemed to help genocide continue. Until the 1960s, NGOs such as the ICRC had tended to avoid publicly criticizing sovereign states in armed conflicts even when NGOs confronted genocides.

    In the 1970s, human rights networks, including local and international NGOs, have been created because of serious human rights violations in Latin American countries. Various NGOs recorded human rights violations and publicly criticized authoritarian states. In the 1980s, when the Salvadoran Civil War occurred, local NGOs tracked civilian casualties and human rights violations by armed forces. With the help of these local NGOs, the newly established Americas Watch published many reports on the Salvadoran Civil War. Thereby, the Americas Watch tried to change the foreign policy of the Reagan administration that strongly supported the Salvadoran government. The data on civilian casualties was the focal point of the struggle between NGOs and the Reagan administration. This struggle contributed to the constitution of the global regime for humanitarian crises and led to the development of the methodology of fact-finding in armed conflicts. In the late 1980s and 1990s this global regime for humanitarian crises expanded as the number of human rights NGOs increased and the UN was involved in fact-finding missions.

  • 「民主化」以後のラテンアメリカ政治
    内田 みどり
    2002年 2002 巻 131 号 49-63,L8
    発行日: 2002/11/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this article is to take a brief overview of the politics of memory about human rights violations in Uruguay and consider the meaning of the Commission for Peace, which was formed by President Jorge Batlle in 2000.
    Uruguay was well known as one of the most democratic countries in Latin America, but in 1960's the immobilism of traditional party politics caused the rise of leftist guerrilla movement, known as Tupamaros. The armed forces, which enunciated the National Security Doctrine, fought a Dirty War with their own citizens before and during the de fact regime (1973-1985). Many people were arrested or imprisoned, tortured or disappeared.
    After democratization, parliament passed impunity law which terminated the punishment of human rights violations by the military regime without any official and effective Truth and Reconciliation Committee and/or any apology by government. The social movement which was intended to nullify the impunity law by referendum failed because of the double dealing by politicians who had made secret promises with the military to assure their impunity in return for democratization. There were no investigations on forced disappearances except for nominal investigations by the military whose own organization had committed those crimes until Batlle established the Commission for Peace. Batlle is the first president prepared to talk about problems of forced disappearance in Uruguay.
    But this commission has some disabilities to reconcile memories of the military and their victims, because the military have not acknowledged their human rights violations until now. And the impunity law which contradicts the obligations of state parties to international laws which Uruguay has ratified. Those are the contradictions of the politics of memory by Batlle.
  • 中村 幹雄
    1987年 52 巻 6 号 836-839
    発行日: 1987/03/25
    公開日: 2017/11/22
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 高橋 保
    1983年 92 巻 5 号 817-823
    発行日: 1983/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 水島 司
    1983年 92 巻 5 号 813-817
    発行日: 1983/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 松井 やより
    1992年 6 巻 6 号 56-60
    発行日: 1992/12/10
    公開日: 2010/09/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―ファシスト体制の転換と威信の構造―
    小山 吉亮
    2004年 50 巻 39-53
    発行日: 2004/12/26
    公開日: 2019/08/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 辻河 典子
    2013年 35 巻 61-78
    発行日: 2013年
    公開日: 2019/06/15
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 藤嶋 亮
    2000年 22 巻 37-52
    発行日: 2000年
    公開日: 2018/12/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • ―ケニア・メルー国立公園における保全教育を事例に―
    中川 宏治
    2015年 24 巻 3 号 3_60-73
    発行日: 2015年
    公開日: 2017/03/03
    ジャーナル フリー

      A questionnaire aimed at improving the environmental education work of Japan Overseas Cooperation Volunteers (JOCV) was distributed to 99 staff working in Meru National Park, Kenya. The results indicated the need for conservation education support in the park. Conservation education for people living in the area of the park has seen a number of challenges in terms of both quality and quantity due to staff irresponsibility, problem in the maintenance of fuel and vehicles, and poor collaboration between different departments. The Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) and the JOCV will need to work to improve the knowledge and awareness of locals about conservation and the relationship between the Kenya Wildlife Service (KWS) and locals by coordinating the supply of materials and revenues that are urgently needed by the KWS with the grassroots activity of the JOCV while winning the understanding of KWS staff.

  • 宮田 光雄
    1958年 9 巻 54-84
    発行日: 1958/05/10
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ゲーバー アイバー
    2002年 61 巻 37-50
    発行日: 2002/07/31
    公開日: 2017/10/06
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 末次 圭介
    Revue japonaise de didactique du français
    2010年 5 巻 2 号 58-75
    発行日: 2010/12/05
    公開日: 2017/10/14
    ジャーナル フリー
    Ce memoire vise a analyser les actes de <<resistance>> menes par les autonomistes alsaciens sous le regime nazi de 1940-1945, ainsi que les caracteristiques de leurs activites et les motifs pour leur engagement dans les luttes anti-nazies. Quoique les principaux autonomistes dits <<Nanceiens>>, dont surtout les <<separatistes>>, aient collabore avec les autorites nazies, ils se sont tournes vers la <<resistance>> au fur et a mesure que les Alsaciens furent reprimes et mobilises dans la guerre par les Allemands. Les autonomistes <<moderes>> de l'entre-deux-guerres, notamment Joseph Rosse, ont joue des roles importants dans les actes de resistance anti-nazie: ils sont intervenus aupres des autorites allemandes pour sauver les Alsaciens condamnes ou menaces de deportation, et ils ont egalement participe au complot contre Hitler. Cependant, Rosse et autres autonomistes ont ete arretes et durement condamnes apres la Liberation. Il est vrai que leurs <<luttes>> n'ont pas ete bien appreciees par les Francais d'apres-guerre, sans doute a cause du caractere <<ambigu>> et <<anti-francais>> de leurs activites, ainsi que de leur image creee lors des proces anti-collaborationnistes contre eux.
  • なぜ北朝鮮の軍人はクーデターを起こさなかったのか?
    宮本 悟
    2005年 56 巻 2 号 195-215,253
    発行日: 2005年
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    For a long time, a majority of people have thought that the military would attempt a coup d'etat in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea due to the widespread economic deterioration in the past, and the fact that the domestic economy has seen some recent improvement makes this event more unlikely at present.
    Why haven't a group of officers within the Korean People's Army attempted a coup d'etat? In this research, I provide three key reasons that explain why, even during three crisis periods involving major politico-military purges, this has not happened.
    Chiefly these were: entrenched clique competition in the military; the existence of an organization that can oppose the armed forces; and a systemic and purposeful division of the military. I have confirmed through this research that the system that has divided the military still exists in the army, a system controlled effectively by a senior commissar. Therefore, this research concludes that the possibility of a coup d'etat occurring is low even in the present D. P. R. K.
  • 森山 茂徳
    1989年 40 巻 75-96
    発行日: 1990/03/29
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー