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全文: "灰の水曜日"
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  • 熊谷 治子
    仙台白百合女子大学紀要
    2014年 18 巻 91-105
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2018/07/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐藤 三夫
    イタリア学会誌
    1998年 48 巻 1-61
    発行日: 1998/10/20
    公開日: 2017/04/05
    ジャーナル フリー

    Bruno disputo pubblicamente con i dottori nell' Universita di Oxford subito dopo era arrivato a Londra da Parigi. Nella stessa universita fece anche alcune lezioni su <<de immortalitate animae>> e <<de quintuplici sphaera>>, ma fu costretto a interromperle perche accusato di plagi delle opere di Marsilio Ficino. Bruno stesso parla dell'incivilita e scortesia di quelli pedanti dottori di Oxoford nella sua opera <<La Cena de le Ceneri>>, nella quale opera si dibattono principalmente problemi relativi al copernicanismo. Il Nolano aveva rispetto per Copernico ma non ne era seguace. Scrive: "perche lui, piu studioso de la matematica che la natura, non ha possuto profondar e pensar sin tanto che potesse a fatto toglier via le radici de inconvenienti e vani principii, onde perfettamente sciogliesse tutte le contrarie difficulta e venesse a liberar a se ed altri da tante vane inquisizioni e fermar la contempalazione ne le cose costante e certe." Nelle universita medievali si considerava che la filosofia fosse superiore in dignita all'astronomia, perche la filosofia (naturale) trattava la natura come sostanza reale mentre l'astoronomia la trattava solamente come ipotesi matematica. Nella <<Cena de le Ceneri>> Bruno fa dire al dottor Nundinio e al dottor Torquato che Copernico descriveva il moto della terra solamente come ipotesi, non come una verita reale. Le opinioni di Nundinio e di Torquato sono forse le stesse che appaiono nella prefazione di Andreas Osiander ai lettori di <<De revolutionibus orbium coelestium>> di Copernico. Osiander voleva evitare che gli inquisitori avessero sul libro sospetti di eresia sottolineando l'ipotesita dell'astronomia di Copernico che sostiene il moto della terra. Bruno disse nella <<La Cena de le Ceneri>>:"Dove (nel primo libro di<<De revolutionibus orbium coelestium>>)(Copernico) non solo fa ufficio di matematico che suppone, ma anco de fisico che dimostra il moto de la terra". Bruno pensav forse cosi perche Copernico aveva scritto che aveva avuto l'influenza della concezione dell'universo dei pitagorici antichi. I pitagorici pensavano che i principi dei numeri erano i principi di tutti quelli che esistono non solamente in idea ma anche in realta. Pero Bruno non era un seguace dei pitagorici perche non poteva accettare l'opinione loro secondo la quale i numeri siano i principi dell'universo. E, per lui, la cosmologia eliocentrica di Copernico era solamente un mezzo per sviluppare la sua cosmonlogia fisica e metafisica, ma non eliocentrica. Cio significa che Bruno non poteva accettare solamente la cosmologia come ipotesi operativa di carattere matematico ma neanche l'eliocentrismo in quanto pensava che l'universo era infinito e senza alcun centro. Questo suo punto di vista si considera anzi la <<decentralizzazione della terra nell'universo>>. Per questo Bruno elimino l'esitenza di una "sfera ultima" che segnasse il limito dell'universo. E in questo potremo vederci l'influenza dell'epicureismo di Lucretius. Insomma, secondo Giordano Bruno, la terra e gli astri hanno vita. Quindi si muovono per il principio interiore e vitale e non esistono quelle sfere che si credevano di trasportare gli astri. L'idea che i corpi celesti hanno vita e si muovono in maniera autonoma non e quella dell'astoronomia matematica, bensi quella dell'animismo. Questo pensiero di Bruno sembrerebbe nato sotto l'influenza dell'ermetismo antico. Nell'<<Asclepius>> si legge: "Se enim animal mundus vivensque semper et fuit et est et erit, nihil n mundo mortale est. -Ergo vitae aeternitatisque debet esse plenissimus". Ma Bruno si sara ispirato prima di tutto forse a Marsilio Ficino. Infatti <<Pimander>> di

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  • 星野 徹
    英文学研究
    1974年 51 巻 1-2 号 279-
    発行日: 1974/11/30
    公開日: 2017/04/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 近藤 啓子
    英文学研究
    1974年 51 巻 1-2 号 279-
    発行日: 1974/11/30
    公開日: 2017/04/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 戸田 基
    英文学研究
    1974年 51 巻 1-2 号 279-280
    発行日: 1974/11/30
    公開日: 2017/04/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 高桑 啓介
    英文学研究
    1974年 51 巻 1-2 号 278-279
    発行日: 1974/11/30
    公開日: 2017/04/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 安田 章一郎
    英文学研究
    1985年 62 巻 1 号 159-162
    発行日: 1985/09/01
    公開日: 2017/04/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―トリニダードのカーニバルを事例に―
    伊藤 みちる
    人間生活文化研究
    2018年 2018 巻 28 号 721-730
    発行日: 2018/01/01
    公開日: 2019/07/26
    ジャーナル フリー

     世界3大カーニバルのうちの一つと謳われ,カリブ海最南端のトリニダード・トバゴ共和国の首都ポート・オブ・スペインで行われるカーニバルのパレードは,近年世界各地から参加者を迎え,国を挙げての一大イベントとなっている.一方で,カーニバル時期には国外からの観光客が激増し,街は賑わいを見せ,経済的には潤うものの,それに起因する交通渋滞や街の混雑はトリニダード・トバゴ国民の日常生活に支障を来している.さらにカーニバルのパレード参加費用高騰や治安悪化も相俟って,トリニダード・トバゴ国民はカーニバルという饗宴の周縁へ追いやられている.他方でトリニダードのカーニバルは,トリニダード・トバゴを含めたカリブ海地域のカーニバルとして,カリブ海市民や欧米に住むディアスポラたちにとっては,自らのルーツやアイデンティティを再認識するための故郷のお祭りとなっている.したがってトリニダードのカーニバルは,開催国であるトリニダード・トバゴからの参加者は減少する一方ではあるが,カリブ海地域全体の文化的な繋がりを強化し再認識させ,カリブ海市民としてのアイデンティティの共有と強化を促進するであろう.

  • ブラジル, ペルナンブーコ州レシーフェの民衆芸能に関する一考察
    神戸 周
    スポーツ人類學研究
    2008年 2007 巻 9 号 1-28
    発行日: 2008/07/31
    公開日: 2011/08/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    Frevo is a popular spectacle of Recife, Pernambuco, Brazil. Concerning the word “frevo”, three meanings were ascertained : 1) dance which is witnessed in the streets and dance parties during a carnival (Frevo as a street dance with characteristic steps is especially called Passo), 2) music which is characterized by its syncopated, violent and frenzied rhythm and 3) enthusiastic crowd which parades through the streets during a carnival. With these three meanings in mind, in this study the popular spectacle was examined from two points of view : 1) historical examination about the circumstances of Frevo's appearance in the streets of Recife's carnival and 2) analysis of Passo's steps (which are practiced at the pres-ent day) and performances.
    The first topic was examined by means of written materials which were collected in Recife by the author. The data utilized for examining the second topic were videotapes in which the steps and performances of Passo had been recorded by the author under the direction of Mestre Nascimento do Passo who was the leading expert on this dance. The video recording was held in Recife and Olinda in August, 2003. The eighty-six steps of Passo were classified from five points of view (which were found out by observing the videotapes closely) and the steps used by five passistas (Frevo dancers) in their solo performances were specified. The results of this study were summarized as follows.
    Frevo was appeared in the streets of Recife during a carnival early in the 20th century. It was considered that two social factors had had a great influence on its appearance. The first factor was a change of festival style in the street carnival (In Recife, after the 1850s, fancy dress parade gradually took the place of disorderly street carnival style called entrudo). The second was an large-scale influx of the black lower classes into the city of Recife as a consequence of the abolition of slavery in 1888. Carnival clubs which appeared successively in the 1880s and were called clubes pedestres impelled the residents of Recife to a new carnival diversion, that is, to make merry accompanying a parade of those clubs in large numbers. On that occasion, enthusiasm called Frevo appeared in the crowd. The mainspring which led the crowd to enthusiasm was music played by brass bands of carnival clubs. This music called marcha-polca (march-polka) was considered a principal source of Frevo as a music (There were two distinct points of difference between marcha-polca and Frevo : 1) presence or absence of the lyrics and 2) tempo of the playing). The roughs called capoeiras also accompanied the parade and practiced physical movements of capoeiragem (martial arts of African origin) brandishing weapons such as a stick or a knife (It was supposed that the abolition of slavery had made capoeiras' antisocial activities more lively). Concerning the appearance of Passo, a hypothesis was brought forward : to avoid attracting the attention of the police, capoeiragem was disguised as lively dance in the streets during a carnival (In the process of transition from capoeiragem to Passo, blows and kicks at other people and undisguised hand weapons disappeared).
    In this study, Passo was considered “a dance composed of various steps”. On the occasion of analysis of Passo, the effectiveness of this idea was considerably made sure (Mestre Nascimento do Passo had already applied the idea to his instructional method of Passo by inventing forty basic steps). As a result of motion analysis of eighty-six steps, five characteristics emerged : 1) two basic positions of Passo, that is, a standing and a squatting, 2) repetition of movement (which was found in seventy-three steps), 3) bilat-eral symmetry
  • 今 和次郎, 富田 乃生, 渡辺 明
    日本建築学会論文報告集
    1957年 57.2 巻 501-504
    発行日: 1957/07/30
    公開日: 2017/08/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • [記載なし]
    英文学研究
    1965年 42 巻 1 号 117-128
    発行日: 1965/09/30
    公開日: 2017/04/10
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 渡邉 浩司
    日本フランス語フランス文学会中部支部研究論文集
    1995年 19 巻 7-19
    発行日: 1995年
    公開日: 2018/03/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 立川 孝一
    史学雑誌
    1985年 94 巻 3 号 328-352,423-42
    発行日: 1985/03/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    Quittant la tribune des debats politiques, l'historien actuel de la Revolution se rend a la campagne ou dans une ville de province, pour y apprecier le poids de la vie traditionnelle, et du folklore. Tel est le cas de Maurice Agulhon et de Michel Vovelle, pour lesquels les recherches historiques sont liees aux recherches ethnologiques. D'autre part, Mona Ozouf a l'occasion de sa these ("La fete revolutionnaire") a ouvert a l'histoire un champ nouveau d'investigations : "l'imaginaire collectif". Notre article a pour but de reconstituer la portee de la fete, au sens historique, dans une societe qui exprime ses aspirations par l'intermediaire de celle-ci. La "Statistique" de Villeneuve (1821-29) nous fait connaitre les fetes traditionnelles de la Provence ; apres les fetes d'hiver viennent les fetes d'ete ; nous y rencontrons le "Caramantrant" de Carnaval, la "Belle de mai", la "Tarasque" de Tarascon, la "Fete-Dieu" d'Aix, les "Trains" de Marseille, etc..... En Provence au XVIII^e siecle, la fete n'est plus une ceremonie ecclesiastique, ni plus un rite agricole, mais une fete communale, c'est-a-dire une reunion de tous les citoyens de la commune, comportant des divertissements qui rassemblent les jeunes garcons et les jeunes filles sur la place publique. "Pourtant, La Revolution a detruit tous ces bons usages", dit Villeneuve. La Revolution est-elle vraiment responsable du declin de la fete provencale? J'ai donc feuillete les documents que fournissent les Archives de Marseille, d'Aix et d'Arles, en vue de connaitre l'attitude des notables des communes a l'egard des fetes traditionnelles. Il me parait, d'abord, incontestable que la nouvelle municipalite d'Aix n'a jamais cesse de promouvoir la Fete-Dieu et les autres fetes patronales. Mais, elle a interdit les deguisements du Carnaval, de peur que ceux-ci ne provoquent des troubles contre-revolutionnaires. C'est pour la meme raison que le conseil municipal de Marseille a interdit les feux de la Saint-Jean en 1790. Maintenir la "tranquillite publique", c'etait l'essentiel pour les autorites de nouveau regime. Pourtant, l'ete 1792, la "solidarite de la commune" doit faire face a un "refus" delibere de la part des jacobins du Midi : les clubistes de Marseille plantent des arbres de la liberte devant l'Hotel de Ville ou la Chambre de Commerce ; les sansculottes d'Arles celebrent des ceremonies funebres en l'honneur de Lepeletier et de Marat. Une fois l'unanimite disparue, on assiste au demarrage de la veritable Revolution en Provence. En fin de compte, il est loisble de distinguer dans les fetes de Provence deux types differents. 1)La fete communale et pacifiste : depuis la Fete-Dieu du folklore jusqu'a la fete de la Federation, le 14 Juillet. 2)La fete sauvage et dangereuse : Carnaval et fete de Mai dont les successeurs sont l'arbre de la liberte et la fete dechristianisante de l'an II.
  • 田北 耕也
    民族學研究
    1954年 18 巻 3 号 195-226
    発行日: 1954/07/25
    公開日: 2018/03/27
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 塚崎 直樹
    トランスパーソナル心理学/精神医学
    2010年 10 巻 1 号 24-28
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2019/08/29
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 中房 敏朗
    スポーツ史研究
    1991年 4 巻 33-48
    発行日: 1991/03/31
    公開日: 2017/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this study was to examine the composition and geographical variety of folk-games in Britain. I could collect 65 towns or regions where I have found recorded folk-game. I explored these instances in folkloric aspect:at what time of year and on what occations was each game played, and who regulated and managed them, and what was the goal or trophy played for? and so on. And then I verified whether were a general view in the former studies on folk-game exactly correctpare. Main findings are as follws;1)Folk-game were practised in a variety of ways of local tradition. But the geographical variety was different from every element of folk-game:ball, goal, way of choosing side, and so on. 2)Folk-game was often marked by considerable violence in playing game. But before and after played game, especially annual game, people's behavour was relatively order.
  • 蔵持 不三也, 高木 勇夫, 松井 良明, 井上 邦子, 松浪 稔
    スポーツ史研究
    2011年 24 巻 55-73
    発行日: 2011/03/31
    公開日: 2017/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
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