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  • 坂本 慶一
    農林業問題研究
    1966年 2 巻 4 号 145-153
    発行日: 1966/12/25
    公開日: 2011/03/18
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 三井 昭二
    林業経済研究
    1982年 1982 巻 102 号 35-40
    発行日: 1982年
    公開日: 2017/08/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 上野 登
    経済地理学年報
    2012年 58 巻 1 号 34-42
    発行日: 2012/03/30
    公開日: 2017/05/19
    ジャーナル フリー
    国土総合開発法を理念的な背景として研究されてきた地域政策は,同法の廃止に伴い,「地域政策の分岐点」にたたされ,2007年から討議が始まり,第56回大会のテーマになった.そして地域間の均衡型政策から地域再生政策への転換が提起された.しかしフロア討論を踏まえ,「座長の所見]は二者択一論をさけ,ポリシー・ミックス型へのあり方を指示した.そのミックスに対し,(1)経済の領域,(2)社会の領域,(3)環境の領域の総合的研究と定義する秋山氏の提案に,私は賛同を示したい.西欧の地理学は,1968年のパリの5月革命を契機として「空間論的転回」を行ない,新しい地平をきり拓いてきていた.それは「知覚される空間」と「思考される空間」の研究に専門化していた地理学を,「生きられる空間」に包摂して新しい空間論を編成しようという言説であった.日本の経済地理学会は第三の領域として「環境の領域」を取り入れたが,これはルフェーヴルの三項化,ソジャの第三空間・三元弁証法,ハーヴェイの地理学を加えた史的唯物論に対応する視点設定であった.私は,世界的な地理学の思想傾向と相乗する経済地理学会の展開を期待したい.
  • 食糧増産隊・産業開発青年隊・青年海外協力隊
    伊藤 淳史
    経済史研究
    2005年 9 巻 58-86
    発行日: 2005/12/20
    公開日: 2018/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 野本 京子
    史学雑誌
    1985年 94 巻 6 号 1053-1076
    発行日: 1985/06/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    After the First World War, rural problems became objects of public concern and in fact the tenant farmers, some of whom were organized by the Japanese Peasants Union, struggled against land owners in various rural districts. This note deals with Denzo Furuse (1888-1959), who has been considered to be a representative of "Nohonshugi" group in the Japanese Peasants Union. He soon took a critical attitude toward the lines of the Japanese Peasants Union and advocated the idea of Peasants' Party taking part in its movement practically. He participated in editing "Ie no Hikari" and also edited "Noseikenkyu" (Journal of Agrarian Political Study) for about twenty years. His various activities were motivated by rousing public opinion about rural problems. The purpose of this note is to clarify the historical meaning of those movements which Furuse took part in, through following his tracks from the 1920' to the 1930'. First I examine his perception of agriculture, rural community and peasants, secondly make clear his activities at each period. Though I shall not argue "Nohonshugi" directly, I want to pay attention to the basis of "Nohonshugi" through his arguement of Rural Culture and so on. Furuse thought that the agriculture which should have occupied an important position in national economy was neglected after the First World War and that peasants put up with being as objects of agrarian policies. Therefore he persuaded peasants to realize their situation and to unite themselves so that they could become a political power to excersise a strong influence on the agrarian policies, which had to be balanced with the commercial and industrial policies. His idea of Peasants' Party was on these lines. And Furuse asserted not only that peasants had to substantiate the co-operative association but also that the Administration had to change the current policy into a new one which was based on productive peasants in order to stabilize the agriculture and to make rural communities prosperous which were the foundation of the nation. He emphasized the necessity of adapting peasant economy to the capitalistic system. Furuse consequently made a realistic choice according to the time and his ideas can be recognized by his participation of the Japanese Peasants Union (1922) and the establishment of "Nosangyoson Bunka Kyokai" (the Cultural Society of Agriculture, Mountain and Fishing Villages, 1940). Thereafter he was to adjust to the cource of the Administration gradually in wartime.
  • 高橋 泰隆
    土地制度史学
    1976年 18 巻 3 号 47-67
    発行日: 1976/04/20
    公開日: 2017/10/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    Peasant emigration to "Manchuria" was not only the emigration to other countries, but also the important means of colonial agression to "Manchuria". Consequently, the same time when Japanese Imperialism fell down, "Manchurian" emigration was destroyed by the anti-Japanese Imperialism powers. In this paper, I want to clarify some characteristics of Japanese Fascism through the analysis of "Manchurian Peasant Emigration". The essence of Fascism in foreign policy is the chauvinism. Emigration to "Manchuria" was propelled by both axithorities in "Manchuria" (Japanese colonial army) and in Japan. People emigrated were made as important forces of chauvinism ("Gozoku Kypwa") by them. Emigrations were created on the land robbed of "Manchus" and settled as one of the Japanese political forces, that is to say, it existed against U.S.S. R. and anti-Japanese forces. In their mother country Japan, land owners classes were being destroyed by Agricultural Crisis and agrarian disputes which were increasing through 1920's and 1930's. In prewar Japan, the 'Tenno' system did neither abolish nor clear away the landownership. But Japanese Capitalism must do something for the Agricultural Crisis. One of the solution policies of it was the Emigration and the creation of landed farmers. The agrarian disputes among land owners and poor tenants were channelled to the chauvinism by means of "proper scope argument". The "Agrarian Reorganization Movement", having organized for the Crisis in Japan, just included the emigration policy in 1938. It's a fact that the main part of the emigration was the tenants and poor peasants who revolted then against land owners classes. Thus, economically and politically, Japanese Fascism included land owners, landed farmers, tenant farmers and poor peasants as the foundation of the 'Tenno' system. In the period of the Pacific War, one side, agricultural labourers and provisions came short, the other side, a program for the increased production of food became more difficult owing to the shortage of materials. From this time, the land owners classes were gradually abolished about economic side and landed farmers became the main forces of agricultural productivity. In "Manchuria", emigrant farms were cultivated by Chinese agricultural labourers and Korean tenant farmers.
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