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  • 鬼塚 健一郎, 王 忠融
    農村計画学会誌
    2018年 37 巻 2 号 130-133
    発行日: 2018/09/30
    公開日: 2019/09/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 北田 晃司
    都市地理学
    2008年 3 巻 56-64
    発行日: 2008/03/15
    公開日: 2020/03/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 陳 正祥
    人文地理
    1954年 5 巻 6 号 407-419,474
    発行日: 1954/02/28
    公開日: 2009/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The economic and historical backgrounds of a city have a direct bearing on its development. Structure, type and functions of a city in the old agricultural countries of the Orient, are quite different from those of a city in the industrial and commercial countries in Europe and America. In Europe or America a place with a population of 2, 000 can well be a city. However, in China where big villages can often be found in the country such a standard does not fit, and a village with as many inhabitants as over 5, 000 can still be a village. The same is true in Taiwan (Formosa). Therefore, to use population as the sole criterion to ascertain the status of a place, whether a town or a village is highly irrelevant.
    The urbanization in Formosa can be classified into two groups. Those of larger size are called cities, such as Taipei, Taichung, Tainan, etc. those of smaller size, rural towns, such as Tamsui, Fungyuan, Huwei, Fungshan, etc. In this classification, there are altogether 12 cities and 88 towns in Formosa. Classified population statistics of these cities and towns are, however, unavailable to date, not to mention any scientific study and analysis of such statistics. As demarcated by the government for administrative purpose, there are now in Formosa five cities which are under the direct control of the Provincial Government. They are Taipei, Keelung, Taichung, Tainan, and Kaohsiung. And there are six cities under the jurisdiction of hsien governments, namely, Hsinchu, Changhua, Chiayi, Pingtung, Ilan, and Hualien. Most of these Provincial and Hsien cities possess, as their limits dictate, big stretches of lands which are, for a great part, still farm lands. The real built-up areas in these cities occupy but a small fraction of the total terrtiory. Consequently, the population statistics of these cities which are officially released by the government do not in effect represent a true picture of the population of the built-up area of these cities. Take Taichung for example the area of Taichung City is nominally as large as 165 square kilometers, and within it dwells a populaiton of 211, 200. As a matter of fact, however, the built-up area of the city covers only a very small part of it, lese than 10 square kilometers in size, and with a population of 148, 970. Indiscriminative reference of such statistics is bound to fail the purpose for which they were originally intended.
    This Institute of Agricultural Geography has, during the past few years shown much interest in the study of demographical geography of Formosa. The author recorded whatever he observed on this subject during his several islandwide tours of inspecton of land utilization of Formosa, which fami-liarized himself with every corner of the island. Furthermore, this Institute has mede a detailed study of several leading cities of Formosa. From February to May 1952, the author leading a group of assistants and students again visited every rural town in North Formosa to make a better and closer observation of them. At the end of June, we mailed over 100 copies of some survey forms to all the governments or administrative centers of these towns for them to fill out and mail back.
  • 台南市永康区を例として
    蘇 柏 年, 角田 誠
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2013年 78 巻 688 号 1365-1372
    発行日: 2013/06/30
    公開日: 2013/08/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to clarify the problems in circulation planning of community center that related to the weekly using time of activity spaces. Analysis the relationships between spatial arrangements and utilization of activity spaces, the conclusive results as:
    1. The space area and the length of weekly using time are not related to positive correlation.
    2. The users' route “from entrance to activity spaces” is strongly relevant to the weekly using time of activity space. The effects of the routes from activity spaces to “utilizing type service spaces” (esp. toilet space) are comparatively inconspicuous.
    3. The spatial arrangements of “Type C-I” and “Type A-I” could be considered as properly circulation planning and design. There has no necessary to pass through other activity spaces in “routes of entrance to activity spaces” and “routes of activity spaces to utilizing type service spaces”. And the utilization of these activity spaces has been proved better than other types.
  • 陳 正祥, 孫 得雄
    地理学評論
    1958年 31 巻 11 号 644-654
    発行日: 1958/11/01
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
    The first census in Taiwan was held in 1905, but it was not until 1920 when the third census was held that a reasonably accurate demographic figure was obtained. The last census during the Japanese occupation was taken in 1940, but due to the Pacific War, detailed data was not properly arranged. As the post-war political situation was uncertain and for other reasons, the population figures were not so reliable as they were in pre-war days. A simple census was held on September 16, 1956, but, as preparations were not sufficient and trained personnel were not enough, the result was not so satisfactory as had been expected ; probably two yeares more will be needed for the arrangement and statistical work. This study is, :therefore, mostly based on the records of 1920 and 1940. The 1940 record has been obtained from original cards, which were little used by laymen, and, in fact, only one set exists, it is preserved by our Institute. The base maps used in this paper are also compiled by the Office of Cartography in our Institute. Previous to this, there have never been such detailed maps of administrative divisions. The statistical unit used in this paper is mostly the “village”. There were altogether 2, 958 such units in 1940.
    Map 4 indicates changes in the distribution of population in Taiwan between 1920 and 1940. Economic development and urbanization are the major factors of such changes. In the respect of increase, there are four main areas: the first area is the urbanized areas which include Taipei, Keelung, Taichung, Hsinchu, Chiayi and Kaohsiung. In all these cities, population increased by far more than double between 1920 and 1940. The second area is the Longitudinal Valley of East Taiwan, which was exploited with great efforts by the Japanese and was inhabited partly by subsidized Japanese migrants. The third area is the northern part of the southwest coastal plain which is tbe largest alluvial fan formed by the biggest river in Taiwan. Here, topography benefits the construction of irrigation systems. With the development of irrigation, the carrying capacity of land is immediately improved; consequently population increases. The fourth area is some of the hilly regions near the central mountains, especially those around the Sun Moon Take. Ln this region population increase is partly related to the establishment of the banana plantations, tea gardens and the completion of the hydro-electric power stations.
    In the respect of population decrease, the outstanding area is the hilly land in the northeast corner of Taiwan. Here, natural resources being few, the productivity of land is low; and except for a few terraced paddy fields bordering the small rivers, there is little vegetation cover. Most of the hilly slopes consist of bare rocks. The soil is thin and poor, and even trees grow badly. So this areas is economically unattractive. When the adjacent sea ports of Keelung and Su-o and the mining towns at Shui-fang and Chiu-fen were booming and human labour was needed, the poverty-stricken settlers in this corner then moved out in large groups. Another area where population has shown a noticeable decrease is the Pescadores which is one of the poorest areas not only in China, but in the whole world. Here population long long ago reached its saturation point so each year a considerable surplus population moves to Taiwan proper where population is also already over-crowded. The lately rising of the port of Kaohsiung, in particular, receives the largest quota. Of the population of Kaoh-siung, those from the Pescadores constitute a rather high percentage and also have some influence. The other areas where population decrease are all scattered and formed through local reasons such as the destruction of the irrigation work, construction of the reservoirs, the broadening of military bases and so on.
  • 文化建設委員会の事業を事例として
    王 忠融, 九鬼 康彰, 星野 敏, 橋本 禅
    農村計画学会誌
    2011年 30 巻 Special_Issue 号 363-368
    発行日: 2011/11/15
    公開日: 2012/11/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    This study aims to organize the community development policy’s content and policy administration system in Taiwan by Council for Cultural Affairs. We reviewed the 19 policies and outlined the common structure of all projects. And we demonstrated the common and special operation system in community development policies, and extracted the significant elements in policy’s administration. Finally, we clarified the three changes in Taiwan’s community development policy: 1) The integration of the ministries and government offices. 2) The application system for community development associations. 3) The support system for bodies, such as NGO, to help CDAs (community development association).
  • ― 日本の農地制度との比較による考察 ―
    武山 絵美, 王 忠融, 九鬼 康彰, 中島 正裕
    農業農村工学会論文集
    2019年 87 巻 1 号 II_47-II_57
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2019/04/03
    ジャーナル フリー

    本研究では, 台湾の農地転用制度と転用の現状を明らかにし, 日本の現状との比較から, 台湾において優良農地の無秩序なスプロールが進む制度的背景を考察した.その結果, 台湾では, 地目変更を伴わない農業用地の農舎建設により, スプロールが進む現状を明らかにした.またその背景を①農業用地の使途の広さ, ②農地の権利移動規制の解除, ③農舎に係る規制運用体制の不備, ④違法な農地転用を相互監視する地域コミュニティー力の未活用, の4点にまとめた.新規参入者に権利移動された農地が農業に確実に利用されるよう農地の使途や転用を厳しく規制することや, 農地転用に対する社会規範の構築が, 持続的な農地保全を実現する上で必要不可欠であることを指摘した.

  • 黄 世輝, 宮崎 清
    デザイン学研究
    1996年 43 巻 1 号 97-106
    発行日: 1996/05/31
    公開日: 2017/07/25
    ジャーナル フリー
    急速な工業化が全島的に進行するなかで生活環境,生活文化,自然環境などが危機に直面している台湾において,「社区総体営造」と呼ばれる地域づくりが行なわれ始めた。本論では,その背景と歴史を考察しながら,(1)町並み保存から「社区総体営造」へ,(2)少数民族から福建系民族へ,(3)農山漁村から都市へ,(4)中央行政から地方行政へ,(5)手工業産業から手工芸文化へ,(6)生産のための農協から農協の文化化へなど,六つの特徴を「社区総体営造」が有していること,また,これらには地域に伝えられる文化の再生と創新という基本的理念が共通していることを,指摘した。これらを踏まえ,生活様式としての文化の再生と更新のために,次の三つの原点に準拠しながら,「社区総体営造」が推進される必要性を論述した。(1)平常心:日常の生活そのものを大切にすることが地域文化の再生につながる。(2)親身体験:手づくりの体験を通じてこそ,地域に対する愛着が育まれる。(3)伝統と創新:当該地域の自然,人間,技術,歴史との緊密な連関を有する地域文化の再生は伝統文化の回復のみならず,地域に伝わる資源を基盤とする創新を意味する。
  • 李 宣晋, 戸沼 幸市
    都市計画論文集
    1993年 28 巻 619-624
    発行日: 1993/10/25
    公開日: 2019/09/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス

    THIS THESIS IS TO DISCUSS THE TRANSITION OF THE URBAN CORRELATED PLANS OF TAIWAN BY FOCUSING ON THE SYSTEMATIZATION OF THE PLANS ON THREE LEVELS, WHICH IS FURTHER DEVIDED INTO THE FOLLOWING SIX PERIODS. (1)1895-1945:THE URBAN PLANNING PRACTICED IN EACH CITY DURING JAPANESE OCCUPATION PERIOD. (2)1945-1964:THE JAPANESE URBAN PLANNING LAW CONTINUALLY APPLIED AFTER TAIWAN RECOVERY. (3)1964-1973:THE REGIONAL PLANNING BEING LEGALIZED. (4)1973-1979:THE DECLARATION OF THE REGIONAL PLANNING LAW. (5)1979-1987:THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE PLANNING SYSTEM REGARDING THE THREE LEVELS. (6)1987〜:THE PREFECTURE-CITY COMPREHENSIVE EXPANSION PLANNING AND METROPOLITAN PLANNING BECOMING HIGHER IN RANK THAN REGIONAL PLANNING.

  • 陳 正祥, 孫 得雄
    人文地理
    1960年 12 巻 5 号 413-427,470
    発行日: 1960/10/30
    公開日: 2009/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
    Recently a large-sized Gazetteer of Taiwan Plece-Names was published by the Fu-Min Geographical Institute of Economic Development. It is a by-product of our 14-year study of Taiwan. Now, this article is in turn a by-product of that gazetteer. In the course of the place-name study, we have come upon many interesting facts of geograhical significance. The one regret is that the place-name study is more of national character than any other geographical studies; therefore, many findings, when expressed in Chinese or Japanese for the supposed Chinese or Japanese readers, can be appreciated by them, but if one is bent on rendering them into a Western language, one will not only find that the job is cruelly exacting, but will also find the rendering disappointedly insipid. What we are coming to in the following pages are only some things of minor importance, for which we have always an aching void in our hearts.
    Let us use the 1:50, 000 topographic map to calculate the different placenames of Taiwan. We get 7, 700. If repetitions were taken into account, the number would be 17, 800. The distribution of such place-names has almost a tendency to fall in with that of the population in a high degree. The type of rural settlements has also something to do with the number of place-names. The number of place-names varies with maps of different scales, and the difference thus produced is usually greater in the case of an area where scattered villages are than in a region dominated by compact villages. The Ilan Plain and the Taipei Basin are, for instance, very typical areas of scattered villages. On a 1:50, 000 topographic map one can find that there are only 56 place-names distributed over the 100-square-kilometer square north of Lo-tung on the Ilan Plain, averaging 0.6 place-name per square kilometer; yet on a 1:25, 000 topographic map, the place-names in the same area increase to 100. The difference is as great as 79%. All the villages on the Penghu Islands or the Pescadores are compact ones; on a map of 1:50, 000 there are 64 place-names on Penghu proper and on a topographic map of 1:25, 000 the number slightly increases to 68. The difference is only 6%. In the case of the Keelung Volcanic Group at the north-eastern corner of Taiwan, only one Ts'ao Shan (Grass Mountain) is found on the 1:50, 000 topographic map, yet there are three Ts'ao Shan's on a 1:25, 000 one.
    Many repetitions appear in the place-names of Taiwan. At the time of calculation, the authors discovered 42 Hsing Chuang's (New Village, ) 30 Shan Chiao's and Shan Tzu Chiao's (Hill Foot), 28 San K'uai Ts'o's (Three-house Village), 23 Chu Wei Tzu's (Bamboo-surrounded Village), 20 Fan Tzu Liao's (Aborigines' hut), 17 shui Wei's (Water End), 15 Ch'iao T'ou's (Bridge Head) 14 Niu Pu's (Ox Ranch), 8 T'ien Chung Yang's (Field Center), 7 Shih Men's (Stone Gate) and 4 Mu Cha's (Wooden Castle). Therefore, if all the repetitions were taken into consideration, the recorded place-names of Taiwan might well be over 30, 000; and if those place-names not recorded and these old ones were all counted, the total number would be greater still.
    Owing to the peculiar location of Taiwan, the cultural contacts of the island are rather complicated. Before the Chinese immigrants came over to the island, there had already been aborigines. Logically, there should have been place-names too, only they were not recorded. Although Taiwan was possibly known to the Chinese at a very early time, yet it was not until the early part of the 17th century that the Chinese began to settle in Taiwan. At that time, the places where the Chinese were stirring about were some coastal and river ports only, and most of them were engaged in trading or fishing. The best and earliest record of Taiwan is Tung Fan Chih (A Note on the Eastern Aborigines), written in 1603 in which the recorded place-names numbered only 12.
    Between the 90 years 1603-1694, i.e.,
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