This article takes up the installation ceremonies of royal consorts during the first half of the Koryo period in Korea, that of the queen mother(冊太后儀)and that of the queen(冊王妃儀)in order to clarify one aspect of the introduction of Chinese-style rituals into Koryo society and examine the position of royal consorts as one important aspect of kingship during the period in question. In part one, the author compares the Koryo ceremonial system to the Tang period work, Kaiyuan-li開元礼, and shows that while the installation ceremony for the queen was based on Chinese institutions, such revisions as not allowing the queen or other court ladies to be present at the ceremony were added, according to the inclination of the Koryo custom of limiting the presence of women at ceremonies. Part 2 turns to the rituals surrounding the installation of the queen mother and reveals that the queen mother wielded more political authority than the queen as indicated other non-ritual related evidence. In addition, the queen mother's installation ceremony, which was introduced in 1086, was done so under the foreign influence of the Song dynasty and its own queen mother installation ceremony. This also marked the first time since Guang-jong光宗, when queens began to be chosen from the royal family, that a member of another aristocratic family was named queen mother. It was in this way that the queen mother's installation ceremony was introduced in order to demonstrate in a ritual manner her influential political position in Koryo society.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify one historical feature of imperial power in China through a study of a change in the treatment of two festivals permitted to the emperor alone -the chiao-ssu (郊祀), the festival of heaven, and the tsung-miao (宗廟), the festival of the ancestral spirits. As has been already shown by one scholar, the Han period emperors from the second reign on customarily worshipped at the shrine of Kao-tzu (高祖), the founder of the dynasty, immediately after their coronation. These emperors thereby maintained their own imperial power by receiving Heaven's will through an intermediary, the ancestral spirit. During the T'ang period, however, the treatment of these festivals was more complicated and varied. Both T'ai-tsung (太宗) and Su-tsung (粛宗), who succeeded to the throne before the death of their predecessors, held the ritual of reporting to Heaven on the occasion of their coronation. After his coronation Kao-tsung (高宗) celebrated chiao-ssu prior to tsung-miao, as he intended his chiao-ssu worship to be a response to Heaven's will and thus different from later chiao-ssu worship he performed. Hsuan-tsung (玄宗) held the ritual of yeh-miao (謁廟). That is, unlike other T'ang emperors he worshipped at the shrine of the ancestral spirits just like the Han emperors. In the latter half of the T'ang, most of the emperors held, three festivals, Lao-tzu miao (老子廟), tsung-miao, and chiao-ssu. The dates of these festivals conformed to such standard dates of the chiao-ssu as the winter solistice, thus suggesting that the main emphasis was put on the celebration of the chiao-ssu. The final T'ang emperor, Ai-ti (哀帝), unsuccessfully sought to perpetuate the T'ang dynasty through celebration of the chiao-ssu. In this way the T'ang can be seen to have attached primary importance to the chaio-ssu in marked contrast to the Han. In the Six Dynasties period the yeh-miao ritual was used in the Southern dynasties only when the person succeeding to the throne was not the crown prince. It can also be seen that during the Six Dynasties the chiao-ssu was increasingly celebrated. Such information shows that from the Six Dynasties to the T'ang the yeh-miao ritual gradually became obsolete and gave way to the celebration of the chiao-ssu by a newly-enthroned emperor himself. We may therefor conclude that the role played by the chiao-ssu in the main-tenance of imperial authority gradually increased in importance during the centuries between the Han and T'ang.

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