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  • 小林 孝輔
    法社会学
    1978年 1978 巻 30 号 1-5,225
    発行日: 1978/03/30
    公開日: 2009/01/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    The constitutional system of Japan is democracy (the sovereignty of people). But there is Emperor (Tenno) as well as the Meiji-constitution (the sovereignty of monarch).
    Then three problems issue as follow:
    1) Why does Tenno exist, in spite of Japanese democracy?
    This is the problem on the ground of Tenno-system after the second war. The continuity of Tnno-ststem was a compromise between the avoid of the post-war confusion and the promotion to democratization of Japan. It is a paradox in the theory, but the problem in the practice is not democracy or monarchy rather democracy or anti-democracy.
    2) What kind of the influence does the existence of Tenno have on Japan, politically and socially?
    This discussion is to cover the problem of the function of "symbol" provided by the constitution.
    The symbol brings nothing into being. It is a socio-psychological function of the symbol. If the democracy as a being will be realised, raison d'étre of the symbol will be losted.
    3) How being the relation between the Tenno-system and Human rights? Under Meiji-constitution the human rights repress by Tenno-Authority. Nowadays, the guaranty of human rights are still disturbed by traditional and potential influence of Tenno-system.
  • 新井 勉
    法制史研究
    1996年 1996 巻 46 号 184-188
    発行日: 1997/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 筒井 若水
    世界法年報
    1989年 1989 巻 9 号 1-6
    発行日: 1989/10/15
    公開日: 2011/02/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 筒井 若水
    世界法年報
    1994年 1994 巻 14 号 23-36
    発行日: 1994/12/20
    公開日: 2011/02/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本国憲法第3章人権条項の制定過程 (第3報)
    小野瀬 裕子, 草野 篤子
    日本家政学会誌
    2001年 52 巻 2 号 123-133
    発行日: 2001/02/15
    公開日: 2010/03/10
    ジャーナル フリー
    本研究ではアメリカ合衆国が主導権を握っていたGHQの憲法草案作成の背景を整理した.日本と同じ第二次世界大戦で敗戦国となったドイツとイタリアの新憲法では, ベアテ草案の「男女平等」と「教育の機会の平等」はどの様に条文化されているか比較して考察を加えることで, ベアテ草案の特徴を明確にした.その結果を以下にまとめる.
    (1) GHQ草案の作成に至る経緯
    GHQ最高司令官のマッカーサー元帥 (アメリカ合衆国) は, 憲法改正について当初は日本側が自主的に検討すべき問題であると捉えていたが, 日本政府の草案が保守的で, 大日本帝国憲法の表面的変更にとどまるものであることを知り, また, 極東委員会が対日管理を1946年2月26日からFECに移行することを決定したことから, GHQはこれに先立って憲法を改正するためにモデル憲法を準備し提供することが効果的だと考えた.
    (2) 第二次世界大戦敗戦国の新憲法との対比
    戦後のドイツとイタリアの新憲法には, ベアテが起草しGHQによって削除された「母性保護」「非嫡出子差別禁止」「労働における男女平等」と同様の条文を見いだすことができた.
    ベアテ草案にあり, 3力国の憲法にはない内容として「家庭における男女平等」のなかに「個人の尊厳」という言葉がはいっていたことをあげることができた.ベアテが戦前の日本の家制度を否定し, その意味を明確にするために入れた注目すべき言葉であったといえる.
    (3) アメリカ合衆国憲法における家族の扱いと男女平等の実現のための憲法修正に対する動向
    日本はGHQ占領下において, 最高司令官マッカーサーによりアメリカ合衆国を介して間接統治されていた.アメリカ合衆国憲法では, 「家族」に関しては, プライヴァシーの範疇であると考え, 憲法に条文として規定することはなかったこと, 詳細な社会権の規定は憲法の下位規範である法律に委ねられていたこと, アメリカ本土で当時, 女性組織が女性保護法と対立するものと考えて男女平等のための憲法修正に反対していた事実がある.一方, ベアテ草案第6条「性別における差別の禁止」, ベアテ草案第18条「家庭における男女平等」は日本国憲法に残った条文であるが, アメリカ合衆国憲法にはなく, 本土よりも1歩進んだ条文であったということができる.
    (4) ベアテ草案削除に関して
    ベアテ草案の「家族における男女平等」は残ったものの, その他の「家族」に関する条文や「労働における男女平等」などの条文の多くがGHQによって削除された理由として, 日本の歴史的背景が大きく関係していると考えられる.また, GHQの主導権を握っていたアメリカ合衆国憲法での状況として, 「男女平等」や「家族」に関するベアテ起草と同じ内容の社会権が, 憲法に条文として導入されることはなかった事実があることがわかった.
  • H.ケルゼンの学説を中心に
    森川 幸一
    世界法年報
    2001年 2001 巻 20 号 30-57
    発行日: 2001/01/30
    公開日: 2011/05/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 国際関係論
    浦野 起央
    アフリカ研究
    1984年 1984 巻 25 号 147-151
    発行日: 1984/03/31
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 土屋 直人
    社会科教育研究
    2003年 2003 巻 89 号 4-15
    発行日: 2003年
    公開日: 2016/12/01
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 半田 伸
    法政論叢
    1994年 30 巻 167-176
    発行日: 1994/05/15
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The relationship between religion and international law is close but nowadays little studied or analyzed. There are several causes in this lack of attention. Considering the fact that the international law is one of products of Western European civilization and Christianity played an important part in the civilization, we assume that the study of the relation between them is necessary for international lawyers. This paper is intended to analyze what is the contribution of religion, particularly Judaism, to the solution of the problems with which international law deals. The contribution of Judaism to the development of international law has been completely neglected by modern scholars. In two spheres, however, it seems possible to find close direct contact between the Jews and international law:one is in Jewish history itself and another is in Jewish law-the halacha. There are several important points of the Jewish influence on international law. For instance, the Jewish influence on the development of the modern concept of human rights is clear, the scholars and wirters such as Grotius and Pufendorf could obtain something value from Jewish sources, and so forth. The Jewish influence on international law was all second-hand, but Judaism plays an important part on the development of international law because of the happy combination of law and morality which gives all Jewish law its peculiar quality.
  • 国際組織と体制変化
    緒方 貞子
    国際政治
    1984年 1984 巻 76 号 1-10,L5
    発行日: 1984/05/25
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This issue, entitled “International Organization and Regime Change, ” has been organized in order to seek new avenues of research in international organization studies. Heretofore, international organization research in Japan has concentrated mainly on the examination of the formal structure and legal norms of international organizations, scholars of international law playing the lead role. In the field of international relations, international organization has been dealt with largely in the context of power politics, with strong interest in collective security systems. The impact of behavioralism on international organization research has been relatively limited.
    The study of international, organization must develop new approaches if it is to address itself to the more pertinent question of change and order in world politics. International collaboration, bargaining and coalition-building, conflict management—these are areas that should be of central concern to the study of international organization. The concept of “international regime” could provide the theoretical framework for expanding and strengthening international organization studies. It brings under one framework macro as well as micro levels of research, the former linking international organization studies with the inquiry into international structural change, and the latter with the examination of the consciousness and behavior of individual actors. An international organization model that focuses on the organizationally dependent capabilities of actors can also provide explanation for “regime change.” The concept of “international regime” could serve as the frame of reference for collaboration among researchers in international law, international economics and international politics, as in all three fields interest is burgeoning in regard to the functional aspects of international organizations. The need to examine the over-all role of international organization in international relations is also becoming more widely recognized.
  • ―帝国憲法体制下の天皇・内閣を手掛りとして―
    小関 康平
    憲法研究
    2022年 54 巻 111-
    発行日: 2022年
    公開日: 2022/07/04
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 高橋 一生
    共生科学
    2012年 2 巻 2 号 30-40
    発行日: 2012年
    公開日: 2019/06/17
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    Global issues such as rich-poor gaps, environmental destruction, governance issues including human rights, democracy, and decentralization, and violent conflicts have become central concerns of the world community in recent decades. The global public goods approach has become the major analytical attempt to deal with these issues since toward the end of the 1990s and the Earth Charter is a new contribution to normative attempts to meet these challenges. The objective of the article is to test, in an analytical manner, if the kyosei approach adds values to the global public goods and the Earth Charter movement. The conclusion suggests, in a tentative manner, that the kyosei approach appears to enrich the global public goods and the Earth Charter movement in a number of ways.
  • グローバリズム・リージョナリズム・ナショナリズム-21世紀における役割を模索するアジア-
    渡辺 昭夫, 星野 俊也
    国際政治
    1997年 1997 巻 114 号 57-71,L9
    発行日: 1997/03/30
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    What about regional solutions to regional security questions? After the United Nations has experienced both successes and setbacks in dealing with a series of post-Cold War regional crises, the inter-relationship (or the appropriate balance) between global (i. e. the UN) and regional mechanisms to manage and to help resolve these conficts has become a recurring subject for discussion. And it is especially so in the Asia Pacific region. The rather anomalous security environment of which is exemplified in the duality of “hub-and-spokes”-type bilaterals alliances (à la the US-Japan alliance) and multilateral security frameworks (like the ASEAN regional forum, or ARF).
    In fact, the tension between global and regional mechanisms, and the applicability thereof, was evidenced from the very beginning of the drafting of the UN Charter. They are both “collective” measures which can involve military options. But they are distinct in that the former can be called, in its ideal form, a system of “collective security” based on the principle of universality and inclusiveness while tha latter, being naturally limited in its membership, can be characterized as that of “collective self-defense.” Conceptually these two logics are supposed to be mutually exclusive, but in reality the function of regional security mechanisms can be found somewhere in the middle ground between collective security and collective self-defense. For example, the post-Cold War NATO has changed the nature of its functions and so has the bilateral alliance between the US and Japan, both of which are assuming the stabilizing role as “public goods” beyond collective self-defense.
    In the Asia Pacific region, the anomaly of the security environment has not permitted us to envision a region-wide collective security mechanism encompassing all the relevant countries that is firm enough to capture especially commitment from the four regional major powers—the US, China, Russia and Japan. On the other hand, a series of efforts toward what might be called “cooperative security” undertaken regionally which are not predicated on military enforcement do contribute positively to enhance confidence-building. In this period of transition, security in the region will entail a complex of security mechanisms composed of “hub-and-spokes”-type alliances with growing “public goods” role and informal multilateral “cooperative security” dialogue rather than building a hard security regime in the Asia Pacific. Coupled with these developments, however, it would be most productive to pursue concerted diplomacy among the three major powers (the US, China and Japan). It is certainly a long way to draw political contours that fits the Concert of Pacific Asia, but that seems the most plausible option available to these three countries in the twenty-first century.
  • 変容する国際社会と国連
    岡垣 知子
    国際政治
    1993年 1993 巻 103 号 72-86,L11
    発行日: 1993/05/22
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The ending of the Cold War and the cooperative atmosphere among Great Powers brought by it has become the basis for today's discussion on revitalizing the United Nations' role in maintaining world peace. The purpose of the essay is threefold: 1) to examine the nature of the United Nations' Peace-keeping Operations (PKO), which has been a major instrument in containing regional conflicts throughout the postwar period; 2) to evaluate the view of the activist school of thought in today's debate on enhancing the role of PKO; 3) to discuss the future course of the PKO.
    Although there has been an increasing tendency since Gulf War to regard PKO as part of Collective Security or something linked to it, a distinction has to be made between the two. In contrast to Collective Security, which is based on “just war theory”, PKO is characterized by its non-combatant nature and impartiality. Two important features of postwar international society created the background for the emergence of PKO. The first is the change in the concept of war that was brought by the development of modern weapons technology and by the antagonism of the Cold War. Wars had to be contained on the local level before they escalated into general war. “Cease-fire” became an end in itself rather than a step in a war-settlement process as in the past.
    The second important feature of postwar international society is what Robert Jackson calls the “negative sovereignty regime.” The postwar world has witnessed the expansion of the European state system, which now covers the globe. By the extinction of open space to which the international system “exports” war while maintaining peace within the system itself, the international system has become conservative in terms of territorial sovereignty. Preservation of the territorial status-quo became an implicit rule of the postwar international relations, to which the United Nations' PKO has contributed.
    The future course of PKO will be found in its link not with “peace-enforcement” but with “peace-making, ” which is outlined in Chapter 6 of the Charter. This chapter suggests a UN role in mediating between the parties of disputes and investigating the conflict situation. In energizing PKO, the enhanced role of the Secretary General will be the key, especially in preventive diplomacy. Most needed is a systematized information-gathering system that will enable the Secretary General to have his own sources of information, on the crisis situation.
    Although each PKO is unique and generalization is difficult, the effectiveness of PKO, like that of any institution, depends on how to balance its “autonomy” as a system and its “flexibility” to adapt to new environment. PKO activities have been expanding in response to emergence of post Cold War conflicts. There is a tendency to use PKO not only as an instrument of preserving order, but also as an instrument of achieving justice. However, diversification of the types of PKO should not undermine its impartiality, which has been the essence of its success both in the past, and likely in the future.
  • 半田 伸
    法政論叢
    1991年 27 巻 100-113
    発行日: 1991/05/15
    公開日: 2017/11/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper is intended to describe the standard of civilization in the international law, focusing on the standard of civilization as a specific legal principle embedded in international law since the nineteenth century. The first part of this paper considered the standard of civilization and international law, in general;the following part examined the role played by the standard of civilization in the codification of the laws of war, in the Martens Clause in the laws of war and in the Opening Statement of Mr.Keenan in the Tokyo Trial. The relation between civilization and international law was a basic question of international law from nineteenth to early twentieth century. Although the old standard of civilization was phased out gradually, the holocausts of the Second World War, the threat of nuclear destruction and so forth have once again drawn back to the'new'standard of civilization. Some standard of civilization plays an another part in the laws of war with the laws of humanity.
  • 中村 長史
    平和研究
    2019年 52 巻 79-97
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2023/11/24
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper aims to indicate that discussions on policy effects regarding dispatching Japan Self Defense Forces (SDF) abroad for collective security seem to have hardly taken place in the National Diet over the past quarter of a century. It also intends to promote the revitalization of policy debate through showing disputing points that should be concretely discussed in the Diet. In general, policy debate should include discussion of both whether implementation of the policy is legally permitted (legality debate) , and whether implementation leads to the achievement of the expected goals (policy effect debate) . This is because there are policies that are legal but ineffective and those that are effective but illegal. However, almost all discussions of joining in collective security in the Diet have been centered on a legality debate.

    On collective security, experts have mainly discussed (i) whether the deployment of forces influences peacekeeping and peacebuilding in intervened states, (ii) whether the deployment of forces has a harmful effect on intervened states, and (iii) whether the definition of policy effect is appropriate in the first place.

    Regarding these disputing points, the debates are still on-going. On the other hand, in the Diet, it appears that policy effects have been addressed as if they were simply obvious. If one is to support the active deployment of the SDF to missions abroad, an assessment of policy effects should be presented as its basis. However, their discussions have focused on the interpretation of Article 9. It has been a “policy debate without policy effect debate.”

    Considering this, this paper recommends that the Diet start an assessment of the policy effects of SDF deployment in past cases, based on the three points of dispute mentioned above. After the assessment of past cases, it will be possible for the Diet to carry out a “policy debate with both legality debate and policy effect debate.”

  • 高橋 力也
    アジア太平洋討究
    2021年 42 巻 193-215
    発行日: 2021/10/30
    公開日: 2022/03/08
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー

    This article aims at investigating the significance of the draft provisions on piracy, commonly known as “Matsuda Draft,” submitted by Michikazu Matsuda, a Japanese lawyer-diplomat, to the League of Nations Committee of Experts in 1927, by examining the historic and legal background of the draft and Matsuda’s views on international law.

    The Committee of Experts was established by the League in 1924 and consisted of international lawyers from various countries to select topics of international law to be codified. Matsuda Draft, together with the so-called Harvard Draft, is widely known among current scholars as an important precedent of the formulation of the concept of piracy in international law. However, it is still unclear how the draft was drawn up and what kind of historical significance it has for the relationship between Japan and international law in the interwar period. This study compares the original text, which was initially submitted by Matsuda to the Committee, with the final draft, and then clarifies the background to the drafting of this document and its historical significance.

    Matsuda Draft was the first official attempt to formulate a definition of piracy. What is more important from the perspective of the history of Japan’s relationship with international law is that a Japanese international lawyer prepared a report on piracy, consolidated the various opinions expressed on it by the experts in the Committee, and reflected them into a draft treaty. This fact provides a basis to reconsider the conventional view that prewar Japan was reluctant or negative about the development of international law.

  • 終戦外交と戦後構想
    星野 俊也
    国際政治
    1995年 1995 巻 109 号 98-109,L11
    発行日: 1995/05/20
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The establishement in June 1945 of the United Nations, which was conceived as a major international organization for general security of the post-World War II world, was pursued separately from peace conferences and other post-War settlements. It was the second attempt to design an international order based on the principle of collective security, but this time it sought to incorporate all the lessons learned from the earlier failure of the Versailles system of 1919.
    This paper takes up the genesis of the United Nations as an example of an international effort with special attention to the role of major powers. First, it reviews the parallel efforts for war and peace by the “Big Three”-Franklin D. Roosevelt, Winston S. Churchill and Joseph V. Stalin-and points out the nature of collaborative diplomacy which, despite different priorities, was only possible “before the Cold War.”
    While stressing that the United Nations is as much a product of realistic calculation as the embodiment of idealistic principles, the paper then considers the prerequisites for post-War peace in general by using K. J. Holsti'study of past major peace efforts of 1648, 1713, 1815, 1919 and 1945 and appraises the current performance of the UN which has survived (with a blend of success and setbacks) the Cold War.
    The study concludes that the role and responsibility of major powers (both the Permanent Five members and the ones formerly defeated but now enjoying inproved status) and their healthy “internationalism” have never diminished, though these are not necessarily the only factors, in managing international peace and security in the post-Cold War world.
  • ―GATT/WTO 体制の歴史的展開から見た一考察―
    阿部 克則
    フィナンシャル・レビュー
    2024年 155 巻 80-104
    発行日: 2024年
    公開日: 2024/04/20
    ジャーナル フリー

     本稿では,近年注目が集まっている安全保障例外条項について,GATT/WTO体制を歴史的に振り返り,その位置づけや役割を検討した。GATT期は冷戦時代と重なり,ソ連や中国はGATTに加入しておらず,ソ連や中国に対する貿易制限措置はそもそもGATT法の枠外であった。そのため,地政学的対立を背景とする輸出規制などを安全保障例外条項で正当化する必要性は低かった。また,GATT紛争処理手続はコンセンサス方式を採用していたため,安全保障例外条項の解釈適用がパネルで争われる可能性も低く,同条項がGATT体制において果たさなければならない機能は比較的小さかった。WTOが成立したグローバリゼーション期においては,中国とロシアもWTOに加入し,対中・露の貿易関係もWTO法の枠内に入ったが,冷戦終結後はココム規制のような輸出規制措置はとられなくなったため,安全保障例外条項による正当化の必要性はなかった。ところがポスト・グローバリゼーション期には,自由主義経済・民主主義諸国と国家統制経済・権威主義諸国との対立がWTO体制内部で顕在化し,地政学的対立を背景とした貿易制限措置と安全保障例外条項との関係に焦点が当たることとなった。また,WTO紛争処理手続においてはネガティブ・コンセンサス方式が採用されているため,安全保障例外条項の援用がパネルによって司法審査されているが,米国は,安全保障例外条項は完全に自己判断的性質を有するとの立場をとっており,自国の安全保障政策の自由度を確保しようとしている。

  • 史学雑誌
    1977年 86 巻 4 号 468-493
    発行日: 1977/04/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
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