Raising an army and founding T'ang Dynasty by Li Yuan (李淵) have been understood from the viewpoint of the group of Kuan-lung (関隴) rulers since Hsi-wei (西魏) period, through the analysis of the leading members of Li Yuan group by now. However, I should like to pay attention to the Pi-yeh-t'ou of Hsiung-nu in Ordus for the following reasons. (1)Preceeding the raise of his army, Li Yuan appointed his three sons as feudal lords of the far wesl lands, they are Lung-hsi (隴西), Tun-huang (敦煌), and Ku-tsang (姑臧). Soon after he entered Ch'ang-an (長安), he drew back these appointments, So these seemed to have been his strategic preparations to aim Ch'ang-an from Tai-yuan (太原). The clue to understand this relationship between Li Yuan and these three lands, is found in the genealogy of Tou (竇), Li Yuan's empress reported in "Genealogical Tree of Prime Ministers (宰相世系表)" in "Hsin T'anbg-shu (新唐書)". (2)Tou's original family name was He-tou-ling (〓豆陵), in "Genealogical Tree". This Tou was connected with famous Tou family in Han (漢) period, accordig to the legend of the founder of the T'o-pa tribe (拓抜部) known in the preface to "Wei-shu (魏書)". At this occasion, they invented the story that the father of Tou family of Han period came from the land of Lung-hsi, Tun-huang and Ku-tsang. As a result, we can assume the intervention by He-tou-ling family behind Li Yuan's feudal appointments of his three sons in these lands. (3)He-tou-ling family originated from the Pi-yeh-t'ou tribe of Hsiungnu and belonged to He-lien Hsia Dynasty (赫連夏国) originally. They lived nomadic life in the province of Pei-he (北河) even after the downfall of Hsia (夏) Dynasty and possessed enough power to revolt against Pei-wei (北魏) in the reign of Emperor Hsiao-wen (孝文). As the influence of Pei-wei decreased after the disturbance of Liu-chen (六鎮之乱), they spread widely over Ordus and He-hsi-t'ung-lang (河西通廊). Because of their great power, Kao Huan (高歓) and Yu-wen T'ai (宇文泰) even quarrelled over Pi-yeh-t'ou in the province of Ordus. (4)In the meantime, it is evident from many examples that the strategic point of North China in order to take possession of Ch'ang-an lies in Tai-yuan and Ling-chou (霊州). Therefore, Li Yuan obtained Ling-chou under control through the alliance with the Pi-yeh-t'ou, and He-hsi (河西) route by feudal appointments of his three sons in Lung-hsi, Tun-huang and Ku-tsang. He also controled Turk (突厥), the menacing power in the north, and Hsueh Chu (薛拳), the most powerful warlord in the west, and managed to build up a scheme to enter Ch'ang-an. During T'an period, Tou family's fame had no equal, because they had not only a genealogical relation to Kao-Tsu (高祖), but also they played important parts to found the dynasty. In the result of this discusson, it can be said that Hsiung-nu did not disappear simply after the downfall of He-lien Hsia Dynasty (赫連氏夏国) in the history, but they actually parti cipated in founding T'an Dynasty.

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The Commission by the Tang court of the translation of the Renwang Sutra and conduction of related Buddhist ceremonies to the eminent monk Bukong (Skt Amoghavajra) in AD 765 during the reign of Emperor Daizong has heretofore been considered in the research as countermeasures taken by the court to deal with such national crises as the rebellion of Pugu Huaien, which occurred that same year. The translation project was carried by Bukong in conjunction with the eunuchs who had seized power after the rebellion of An Lushan in 755 and corresponds to the expansion of eunuch political influence from the inner court to the outer court. Therefore, we need to reconsider the meaning of such Buddhist activities in the context of Tang period political history. The inner court faction, which included the eunuchs, probably first made contact with Bukong before 765, when Empress Zhang and eunuch Li Fuguo began intervening in political affairs on the pretext to their contribution to the enthronement of Emperor Suzong in 756. This was also the time that they became interested in Buddhism and began forming alliances with such persons as Bukong, not out of any personal belief, but rather the need to legitimize their authority over the bureaucracy of the outer court. Later, during the last years of Suzong's reign, the eunuchs ousted the Empress and assumed the role of the official promoters of Buddhism at court. Then the Renwang Sutra translation and related Buddhist ceremonies are conducted under the cooperation of eunuch Yu Chaoen who inherited the authority of Li Fuguo and the monks led by Bukong in 765. Thereafter, in serving as the Gongde shi which conducts nation's Buddhism affairs, the eunuchs maintained connection with the monk's group, and obtained much more influence to politics. That is, the Renwang Sutra translation and the Buddhist ceremonies can be regarded as an decisive moment which gave the eunuchs an opportunity to advance to outer court.

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During the T'ang Period there were seven forms of imperial edict. Of these, the most important type was chih (制). Of the documents to which the name chih was given, there were chih-shu (制書) and wei-lao chih-shu (慰労制書). In addition, the T'ang literature produces such variations as mo-chih (墨制), shou-chih (手制) and yi-chih (遺制), and there are also the words, te-yin (徳音) and she-shu (赦書). While mo-chih and shou-chih are synonyms for wei-lao chih-shu, the others are merely different names for chih-shu itself. Despite the chih-shu being beyond a doubt the most important type of imperial statement (王言), the so-called chih document form, which would relate the process by which this imperial statement came in to being, has been lost. Concerning the actual written form of chih, there is the attempt at reconstruction by Niida Noboru in the 『唐令拾遺』「公式令第一条」. However, Dr.Niidas' reconstructed chih document form is in need of revision. In this paper, the author attempts such a revision touching on the following four points. 1)After the 門下省's 覆奏, the date (year, month and day) on which the 覆奏 was submitted should be entered. 2)The imperial words, 「可(御画)」, approving the 門下省's 覆奏 should be added. 3)On the line following the words, 「主者施行」, a simple dating (「年月日」) should be revised by the form, 「年月御画日」. 4)During the T'ang period, the chih document form was used at both times of importance and at times of relative unimportance. The chih document form reconstructed from the 「制授告身式」 is a form used at insignificant times, and therefore gives only one side to the form of the chih documents of the T'ang period. It is self-evident that the above reconstructed chih document form is a formalization influenced by earlier periods. By merely looking at the superficial appearance of the T'ang chih document, and by the fact that the origin of the edict itself is closely related to the official position of Chi-shih-chung (給事中) which was set up during the reign of the Emperor Yang (煬帝), the author concludes that the chih document forms were established between the late Sui and early T'ang periods.

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'Kai-yuan-tung-pao' is a coin was circulated during the T'ung dynasty. Both in China and Japan, however, there have been two different opiniond on how to read the coin-stamp. One read the stamp as Kai-yuan-tung-pao this was supported by Dr. shigeru Koto. The other read as Kai-tung-yuan-pao and Mr.Shokoh Okudaira supported this opinion because this way of reading could be seen in the 'Tung-tien' of Sung-pan (Sung edition). I would like to support Dr.Kato's opinion by reason of (1) the way of reading, Kai-yuon-tung-pao', is seen on the Tung-tien of Sung edition in the collection of the Imperial Household Agency, and (2) same way of reading is found on the Tang-hui-yao which is one of the most authoritative document in the T'ung dynasty.

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According to his stūpa inscription (Tang Chanzhisi gu dade fashi Chongjun ta ming bing xu唐禅智寺故大徳法師崇俊塔銘并序; Based on the glass dry plates of Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties), Chongjun (696–760) of the Chanzhisi temple in Yang province learned Yogācāra, Buddhist logic, the Lotus sūtra and Nirvāna sūtra from Zhizhou 智周,and traveled to Tufan 吐蕃 or Tibet. Faqing (or Faxiang), his immediate disciple, a Buddhist layman, responded to a Tōketsu 唐決 (Questions to the Chinese Buddhists) brought by Japanese monk Tokushō 徳清,according to Zōshun’s 蔵俊 Inmyō daisho shō 因明大疏抄 and Gen’ei’s 玄叡 Daijō sanron daigishō 大乗三論大義鈔.Although it is said that there was no doctrinal development of Chinese Yogācāra after Zhizhou, we can see the international interactions between the Chinese Yogācāra school and the surrounding areas in the 8th century.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify one historical feature of imperial power in China through a study of a change in the treatment of two festivals permitted to the emperor alone -the chiao-ssu (郊祀), the festival of heaven, and the tsung-miao (宗廟), the festival of the ancestral spirits. As has been already shown by one scholar, the Han period emperors from the second reign on customarily worshipped at the shrine of Kao-tzu (高祖), the founder of the dynasty, immediately after their coronation. These emperors thereby maintained their own imperial power by receiving Heaven's will through an intermediary, the ancestral spirit. During the T'ang period, however, the treatment of these festivals was more complicated and varied. Both T'ai-tsung (太宗) and Su-tsung (), who succeeded to the throne before the death of their predecessors, held the ritual of reporting to Heaven on the occasion of their coronation. After his coronation Kao-tsung (高宗) celebrated chiao-ssu prior to tsung-miao, as he intended his chiao-ssu worship to be a response to Heaven's will and thus different from later chiao-ssu worship he performed. Hsuan-tsung (玄宗) held the ritual of yeh-miao (謁廟). That is, unlike other T'ang emperors he worshipped at the shrine of the ancestral spirits just like the Han emperors. In the latter half of the T'ang, most of the emperors held, three festivals, Lao-tzu miao (老子廟), tsung-miao, and chiao-ssu. The dates of these festivals conformed to such standard dates of the chiao-ssu as the winter solistice, thus suggesting that the main emphasis was put on the celebration of the chiao-ssu. The final T'ang emperor, Ai-ti (哀帝), unsuccessfully sought to perpetuate the T'ang dynasty through celebration of the chiao-ssu. In this way the T'ang can be seen to have attached primary importance to the chaio-ssu in marked contrast to the Han. In the Six Dynasties period the yeh-miao ritual was used in the Southern dynasties only when the person succeeding to the throne was not the crown prince. It can also be seen that during the Six Dynasties the chiao-ssu was increasingly celebrated. Such information shows that from the Six Dynasties to the T'ang the yeh-miao ritual gradually became obsolete and gave way to the celebration of the chiao-ssu by a newly-enthroned emperor himself. We may therefor conclude that the role played by the chiao-ssu in the main-tenance of imperial authority gradually increased in importance during the centuries between the Han and T'ang.

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Under the canonization system of the Imperial Funeral in ancient China, the term Da-xing 大行 was generally recognized, according to the maxim "大行受大名 (Great deeds deserve a great title)" in the book Yi-Zhoushu 逸周書 (Shifa 諡法), as a title given to an Emperor Huang-di 皇帝 who had passed away. In Japan, too, there exists such a system for an Emperor Tenno 天皇, which has been recognized as being adopted from China. This means that Da-xing can replace the posthumous title (諡) which corresponds to the 'great title'. In other words, Da-xing was a temporary name during the period from an Emperor's death to the confirmation of his posthumous title. In this case, the word Da-xing means 'great deeds'. At least since the Qin 秦 dynasty, however, Da-xing has meant 'a great journey', which implies 'going to Heaven', though, this interpretation had no direct relation with canonization at that time. Focusing upon the historical literature (白虎通, 風俗通, 独断, 史記, 漢書 etc.), it can be seen that the doctrine of interpreting Da-xing as 'a great journey' was established at the time of the first Emperor Qin-Shihuang 秦始皇, along with the Emperor's unification schemes and inspectional journey system, under the patrimonial nation idea. On the other hand, the doctrine interpreting Da-xing as 'great deeds' in order to canonize the Emperor with a temporary title was established by the Confucian officials known as the Archaic (Gu-wen 古文) scholars, who strongly maintained the Emperor's divinity and absoluteness. These two interpretations advanced and affected the canonization process during the later dynasties. According to the author's analysis of the funeral orations 誄, 諡, 諡冊, 哀策, etc. up to the Tang dynasty, there are four cases of its interpretation and enforcement. (I)'Great journey', meaning the Emperor's honorable death, is the title given to the deceased Emperor from his death to his burial, but under a non-canonization system (秦). (II)'Great deeds', meaning the Emperor's honorable actions during his lifetime, is a temporary name equivalent to a posthumous title from his death until the conferment of his posthumous title, under the canonization system (漢・晋). (III)A name to differentiate the newly enthroned Emperor from the dead Emperor before the latter was buried (魏・宋・梁・陳・唐初). Though this interpretation implies 'Great journey, honorable death', in fact Da-xing substitutes for his posthumous title. Thus it is an advanced form drawing a compromise between (I) and (II). (IV) A name to differentiate the new Emperor from the dead Emperor until his burial. This interpretation was the same as 'Great journey, honorable death', but in this case Da-xing co-occurs with his posthumous title and other titles (尊号・廓号) to form a name. Therefore, it did not substitute for a posthumous title at all. This is an even more advanced form (). In general recognition, Da-xing means 'Great deeds' and indicates a name before the conferment of an Emperor's posthumous title. In actual usage, however, it was interpreted as 'Great journey' and was a name given before his burial in many dynasties. Furthermore during the Tang dynasty the naming process became more flexible and the combination with other titles was allowed, and then Da-xing merely meant 'the deceased / the last'. In Japan, some scholars have noticed the difference between the canonizations of the Chinese Emperor Huang-di and the Japanese Emperor Tenno. But they have not considered those changes of the canonization system in China itself. Thus the Japanese usage demands further investigation.

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It is important to clarify the Tenno system in the ancient Japan. Under the system, not only Tenno but also Dajotenno could have the right of the the sovereign. In China, there were T'ai-shang-huang and T'ai-shang-huang-ti in the capacity of Dajotenno in Japan. But there was much difference between the system in Japan and the one in China. In China, under the principle that the nation should have the only one sovereign, it was natural that the abdicated emperor should be a subject of the new emperor. But in the case of the abdication in one dynasty, the abdicated emperor was not a subject of the new emperor. The abdicated emperor called himself "T'ai-shang-huang" when he handed over the sovereignty to the new emperor. And he called "T'ai-shang-huang-ti" when he did not. In Japan, the abdicated Tenno could be one of the two sovereigns by prescribing the Dajotenno system under the ritsuryo codes. As a result, the abdication under this system was to produce another sovereign. The reason why this system was established though it was in definite in some sense was that Japan had to overcome many difficulties in order to develop into the ritsuryo regime. In that time, Japan required the stability of the regime, for Japan must check some troubles concerning the succession to the throne which often occurred during the seventh century. The Dajotenno system was effective to check them. Under the ritsuryo regime, "Tenno" (as the sovereign) was to, having the original political power, deside both important national policies and miscellaneous everyday affairs. "Tenno" was requested to have the ability to dicide all of them. Dajotenno and Tenno reigned over the bureaucracy, and both attended some functions which both had better attend and either of them attended others which either might attend. This condition was suitable for Japan in that time. This Dajotenno system lost its substance when Japan had been perfectly under the ritsuryo regime and its indefinite rule caused some troubles concerning the sovereignty.

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In order to place the origins of the leaders who founded the Tang Dynasty within the Western Wei-Northern Zhou period, the Guanlong 関隴 group has argued that it was the "bazhuguojia" 八柱国家 that formed the core of political power and bore the main burden of supporting and preserving the dynasty through early Tang times. This "bazhuguojia" refers to the families of the eight generalissimos of the zhuguo 柱国 rank listed at the end of Chapter 16 (史臣曰条) of the Zhoushu 周書, with the holder of real power under the Western Wei, Yuwentai 宇文泰, leading the list, followed by Lihu 李虎, the grandfather of the founder of the Tang dynasty. However, both the members and order of this listing of the eight zhuguo and twelve great generalissimos (大将軍) in Chapter 16(and also Chapter 60 [論曰条] of the Beishi (北史) does not correspond to other sources, while the actual term "Bazhuguojia" does not appear in the other sources until the Zhenguan 貞観 era (620s -640s AD), suggesting definite discrepancies in the Zhoushu text. What gave rise to these discrepancies is the creation of the content and order of the listing after the beginning of the Tang period motivated by the Tang imperial family's hope of raising its authority. What made such a move necessary was the original Zhenguanzhizuzhi 貞観氏族志, the compilation of which began in 632 (Zhenguan 6), ranking the Tang imperial family below Cuimingan 崔民幹, resulting in the creation of the "bazhuguojia" concept in response. This is why the term appears in the source materials only after the compilation was begun and a new order that sought legitimization of Tang dynasty authority in the Western Wei period was created and laid out in Chapter 16 of the Zhoushu relating the exploits of the eight zhuguo generalissimos. The revised edition of the Zhenguanzhizuzhi conforms to this new order by ranking the Tang imperial family first above all. Therefore, given the fact that Chapter 16 is more interested in legitimizing the Tang imperial family than describing the great families of the Western Wei period, it is necessary for historians of the period the rethink the viewpoints put forth by the Guanlong group regarding political history from the Western Wei to the Tang period based on that text and reexamine the idea that the origins of the fubing 府兵 system of military conscription can be found in the tradition set down by the eight "bazhuguo" generalissimos.

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This article takes up the installation ceremonies of royal consorts during the first half of the Koryo period in Korea, that of the queen mother(冊太后儀)and that of the queen(冊王妃儀)in order to clarify one aspect of the introduction of Chinese-style rituals into Koryo society and examine the position of royal consorts as one important aspect of kingship during the period in question. In part one, the author compares the Koryo ceremonial system to the Tang period work, Kaiyuan-li開元礼, and shows that while the installation ceremony for the queen was based on Chinese institutions, such revisions as not allowing the queen or other court ladies to be present at the ceremony were added, according to the inclination of the Koryo custom of limiting the presence of women at ceremonies. Part 2 turns to the rituals surrounding the installation of the queen mother and reveals that the queen mother wielded more political authority than the queen as indicated other non-ritual related evidence. In addition, the queen mother's installation ceremony, which was introduced in 1086, was done so under the foreign influence of the Song dynasty and its own queen mother installation ceremony. This also marked the first time since Guang-jong光宗, when queens began to be chosen from the royal family, that a member of another aristocratic family was named queen mother. It was in this way that the queen mother's installation ceremony was introduced in order to demonstrate in a ritual manner her influential political position in Koryo society.

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