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  • 松田 秋八
    電気化学および工業物理化学
    1981年 49 巻 5 号 309-311
    発行日: 1981/05/05
    公開日: 2019/10/10
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 百武 仁志
    日本国際観光学会論文集
    2015年 22 巻 205-209
    発行日: 2015年
    公開日: 2019/06/12
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    Recently, Red Tourism has been attracting attention within China. Moreover, it has also been covered within Japan, although such examples are still few in number. In China, this Red Tourism is being pushed to the forefront in an official state project to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War 2. For these reasons, this investigation report proposes to elucidate the phenomenon of China Red Tourism, still hardly known in Japan.
    In concrete terms, it will examine the four following topics: (1) an explanation of research trends in the area of China Red Tourism, (2) a definition and schema of China Red Tourism, (3) a case study of Red Tourism facilities in Shanghai, (4) a brief review of recent trends in Shanghai's Red Tourism.
  • 国民統合のジェンダー・バランス
    前田 しほ
    地域研究
    2014年 14 巻 2 号 17-42
    発行日: 2014年
    公開日: 2021/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―「カラー革命」と青年層―
    西山 美久
    ロシア・東欧研究
    2010年 2010 巻 39 号 82-92
    発行日: 2010年
    公開日: 2012/06/20
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper traces the changing course of the patriotic policies of Putin’s government, and shows that the ‘color revolutions’ in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyz had a great impact on the Russian political process.
    Post-communist Russia has suffered from serious political and economic disturbances, comparable with smuta in tsarist Russia. In the first period of the New Russia, while Yeltsin’s government adopted a series of western-oriented policies, the opposition put forward an alternative line based on Russian nationalism. As Russian citizens displayed anti-western sentiments, however, president Yeltsin also changed course and modified policies to take national feelings into consideration. As a result, almost all political forces in Russia became proponents of Russian patriotism. Therefore, we need to examine the real contents of the patriotism held by political forces, particularly in each administration.
    President Putin, who followed president Yeltsin in 2000, stressed the importance of patriotism in his policies. Valerie Sperling, who analyzed patriotic policies in post-Soviet Russia, argues that Putin practiced various policies based on ‘militarized patriotism’ toward Russian youth, because his government needed to foster their loyalty to the state and their interest in joining the Russian army. Although I agree with her claim that Putin pursued patriotic policies, Sperling appears not to have grasped a turning point in policy transformation under Putin, in particular the real meaning of the ‘color revolutions’ that took place in the former Soviet Republics in 2003–2005.
    This paper analyzes the two programs for promoting patriotism among Russians, each of which was adopted under Putin’s government in 2001 and 2005. The difference between both programs is that the first was directed at all social and age groups, while the second mainly targeted the younger generation. Why did the latter program focus on youths? This paper examines the political impact on Putin’s administration of the ‘color revolutions’ in the CIS countries in which the younger generation played a significant role, and clarifies Putin’s efforts to prevent these revolutions from spilling over into Russia, through organizing a new youth organization named ‘Nashi,’ publishing a new edition of the guidebook for teaching Russian history, and other efforts.
  • 半谷 史郎
    ロシア史研究
    2014年 94 巻 38-48
    発行日: 2014/05/15
    公開日: 2017/07/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 飯島 渉
    アジア研究
    2021年 67 巻 4 号 58-71
    発行日: 2021/10/31
    公開日: 2021/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー

    The Chinese government under the control of the Chinese Communist Party selected a lockdown to control COVID-19 in the first half of 2020. The main purpose of lockdown was to restrict the activities of ordinary people including their everyday life. The transfer from Wuhan/Hebei province to other cities/provinces was under severe restrictions. The Chinese government stopped the public transportations including railway, subway, bus, ships, and private car drive in Wuhan. The mobilization inside Wuhan was also under severe regulations, to buy everyday food was also under the mobilization permit. These kinds of severe and big-scale lockdown were the first case in the history of public health.

    The lockdown was very effective to control COVID-19 in Wuhan, the pandemic was quite controlled in a few months. To control mobilization, the Chinese government prepared to supply much food, medical instruments for the ordinary people of Wuhan, and the central and local governments also paid much attention to support the people’s everyday life. The Chinese People’s Liberation Army was also mobilized to support the lockdown.

    Why did the Chinese government succeed in anti-COVID-19? In Wuhan and other Chinese urban districts, “community” (社区 She-qu) played a key role in the lockdown. The severe inspections for health conditions were advanced at the health stations in the “community” by the staff who had a close tie with the local unit of the Chinese Communist Party. A severe curfew was also advanced based on “community” and sub-“community” (小区 Xiao-qu). The origin of this method was started at the anti-SARS movement in 2003, but the digitalization of community or personal control by the advanced ITC systems, for example, the “Health Code” was one of the new key methods at the control of COVID-19 pandemic in 2020.

    The reality in China shows us that the “community” control is the reason why the Chinese government succeed in the control of COVID-19. The urban “community” was reorganized during the period of the privatization of the state-owned company, but only few studies discussed the role of public health. How to examine the role of “community” of China in the history of public health and the contemporary anti-epidemic measures is one of the important topics in Chinese studies and public health studies.

  • 中山 弘正
    ロシア史研究
    1978年 28 巻 2-15
    発行日: 1978/10/31
    公開日: 2017/07/25
    ジャーナル フリー
  • (第1号~第100号)
    ソシオロジ編集委員会
    ソシオロジ
    1987年 32 巻 2 号 159-196
    発行日: 1987/09/30
    公開日: 2017/02/15
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 社会学評論
    1964年 14 巻 4 号 86-108
    発行日: 1964/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/11
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 日本人知識人の“西域”への憧憬と社会主義プロパガンダとの間で
    宮崎 千穂
    日本国際観光学会論文集
    2021年 28 巻 121-132
    発行日: 2021年
    公開日: 2021/05/17
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    On May 5, 1965, Yasushi Inoue (1907-1991), one of Japan's most well-known post-World War II novelists, departed on the ferry “Baikal” from the port of Yokohama to Nakhotka. Thus began his travels around the Soviet Union. The purpose of his journey was to enter the “Sai-iki” (the “Western Region”) of Central Asia. Inoue had dreamed of visiting these lands since his student days thirty years earlier.
    This paper describes Inoue's travel around “Sai-iki” by analyzing his unpublished notes, photographs, and literary works, along with that of other Japanese travelers. Inoue's travel contributed to the strategy for developing the Soviet Union's tourism industry in the 1960s. The Inbound Tourism policy of the Soviet Union during this period appealed to Japanese intellectuals who dreamed of visiting “Sai-iki” and seeing its ancient ruins. But in another way, Inouoe's travel was incorporated into the inbound tourism system as propaganda, a way to advertise the achievements of socialism.
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