Since seiji-kaikaku (political reform) in 1993, the 2003 general election is the third election, and it took 10 years. Every party could plot their strategies which they adapted to a new election system, combined the single-member districts and the proportional representation at that time. In this article, I tried to analyze attributes of fresh candidates who run for the 2003 general election and examined the circumstances and features of LDP, DPJ, JCP, SDP, and independent candidates. LDP didn't have so many districts fielded a candidate that it fielded secondgeneration candidates, candidates who had other attributes, for example, who had been civil servants or local assembly members didn't have much chances. Their recruitment resources have been rigid in this 10 years. DPJ had so many districts fielded a candidate that it fielded many kind of candidates, including the candidates who had run for as a candidate of LDP before. JCP and SDP candidates had few chances to be elected. But gathering votes for proportional representation, they fielded candidates who had worked for party organization. Through this analysis, I could find that their candidates were not the persons who want to run for the election, but who could be fielded.

抄録全体を表示

Indigenous people of Kamchatka might have had connection with the outside world through the commodity economic system, mainly of fur trade, under the control of Russian Empire since the invasion of Cossack troops. The Russian Empire expanded their fur trade aggressively and in the first half of the 18th century they obtained a vast fur production area including the north-Pacific coastal area with the arrival to Alaska by the Bering Expedition which sailed out from Kamchatka. Then the Empire enlarged the fur trade system to the greatest possible extent through the national policy concern Russia-America Company. However with the decrease of marine mammal resources such as fur seal and sea otters due to over hunting, Russia sold Alaska to the U. S. A. in 1867 and withdrew from North America. Although, still later, Kamchatka remained the major producer of fur animals such as sable, red fox and marine mammals, in the end of the 19th century salmons that are very important food for indigenous people received a lot of attention as world trade goods, and since the early 20th century, the marine product industry became a key part of the Kamchatka industry. Also in this period, the Soviet Union was established and in 1930s, the socialist economic system was introduced to the indigenous society of Kamchatka. Then, in the end of the 1980s the Soviet regime collapsed, so indigenous people of Kamchatka have been defenselessly tossed around by the turbulence of the new state framework. In this paper the author would like to consider the current and future situation of indigenous society of Kamchatka in post-Perestroika based on field study from the political and economic point of view and especially put focus on the weakening of the indigenous political situation.

抄録全体を表示

This paper focuses on candidates’ policy positioning mechanism and its impact on vote fluctuation in the Japanese Lower House elections. In recent years, a serious fiscal crisis sometimes hits some democratic countries like Japan, the United States, and Greece. With regard to the crisis, Buchanan and Tullock have argued that contra-cyclical policies and rentseeking behaviors cause such fiscal problem in democratic countries. Then this paper analyzes the electoral relationship between whole voters and the candidates’ behaviors aiming at winning their seats and argues about the background of expansion and inefficiency of the Japanese government spending. Concretely, this paper has two kinds of analyses. One is to demonstrate the causal relationship between candidates’ position shifts (budget increase decrease on 13 policy areas) between the current and previous elections and its determinants the result of previous election (this is based on the Dynamic Responsiveness Theory / Fowler 2005), the gap of candidates’ numbers between the elections (Powell 1982), the number of successful elections (Instead of Incumbency / Powell 1982 Burden 2004), the candidates’ attributes, the urbanization level of each SMD, and party affiliation. The purpose of the second analysis is to investigate the effect of candidates’ positioning on their vote fluctuation. According to the results, the candidates who won in the previous election and have experienced party elites and local politicians tend to shift their positions to budget increase for the purpose of reelection. Moreover, candidates are inclined to take position on budget increase in case that they compete with more candidates in their districts than ever. DPJ candidates are more likely to shift than LDP. On the other hand, most voters select candidates not being affected by the candidates’ repositioning oriented toward budget increase. To summarize, voters do not always seek their self-interests when they vote, and to be blame may be the candidates who have shifted their positions toward an increase in order to get more votes. That is, representative democracy does not always cause the fiscal crisis in Japan. In addition, this paper also suggests that the Dynamic Responsiveness Theory works in Japan.

抄録全体を表示

日本語の引用表現では,「と」や「って」などの引用マーカーを用いた形式が典型とされることが多いが,本稿では,引用部分の直後に引用マーカーや伝達動詞が付かず,いったん切れた後で次のことばが続く「ゼロ型引用表現」について,政治家による演説をデータとして用い,どのような談話の流れの中で,どのような目的で用いられるのかに注目して分析する.ゼロ型引用表現は,他者の発言内容を客観的に報告することを求められるような状況において使用すると相手に違和感を与えてしまう表現であるが,他者のことばを題目として取りたててそのことばに対する評価を述べ,他者のことばに対する評価を聞き手と共有しようとする際や,他者のことばを臨場感豊かに生き生きと描き,聞き手を物語の世界に引きこむような際に用いられていた.

抄録全体を表示