The eel is an interesting creature from the standpoint of biology, that is, its migration, its geographical distribution, its transformation of sex and so on. And because of its mysterious life, many legends and beliefs concerning the eel also have been originated and transmitted all over the world since ancient times. What interests the author is the ethnographic information that some ethnic groups don,t eat eels at all in Formosa, Micronesia, the Philippines and so on, with relation to totem ,animal and ancestor worship. Although we can hear a lot of folklore concerning eels in Japan, a non-eel-diet taboo is almost always told with Buddhist Kokuzo-Belief. The folk-explanation is that an eel is the messenger or the favorite food of Kokuzo-Budhisattva (akasa-garbha) and therefore should not eat it. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the development of an interrelationship between eels and Kokuzo-Budhisatta and to analyse several aspects of a non-eel-diet taboo in the historical ,context. Japanese folktales around the eel are classified according to the following items : (a) An eel as the messenger of a Kami (god) or of Buddha. The deities usually represented being that of Suijin (a water deity) , Mishimamyojin (三島明神) , Konpiragongen (金比羅宮) or Kokuzo-Bodhisattva. (b) An eel which transforms itself into a man, usually a monk. This eel usually represents the guardian spirit of a pond or river. (c) A one-eyed eel. These always possess magical powers. (d) An unusual or mutated eel and its activities. (i. e. a red, yellow or white eel an eel having large ears.) (e) The origin of a place name after an eel ; i. e., eel-mound, eel-wamp, eel-abyss, eel-paddy, etc. An overview of these folk tales leads to the following concept : People in early times thought the eel was a water deity itself, or the messenger of a water deity who was the guardian spirit of a pond, marsh, river, deep or lake. The eel inspired apprehension among these primitive folk due to its strange appearance and activities. Also in Japan, there is some evidence which indicates that the eel may be a mythical ancestor. The belief that spiritual creatures in water bodies may change into a one-eyed eel, which indicates the tenement of a god, is an idea promulgated by the late Kunio Yanagita. In another legend, the eel appears in a deluge in which the eel is transformed into a monk who warns the populace of approaching disaster and consequently saves them from catastro-phe. Kokuzo-Bodhisattva beliefs have included the mitigation or avoidance of disaster since the Nara Period. One particular Kokuzo sutra, which prevailed widely among temples practicing Kokuzo beliefs in Japan, portrays Kokuzo-Bodhisattva as an itinerant priest who displays his ability to avert disaster more effectively than any other Bodhisattva. Shingon Sect priests (当山派修験) , as proponents of this Kokuzo belief, have connected this belief with that of the eel and its appearance during innundation. The aforementioned information is the product of research data obtained from Tokurenji Temple (徳蓮寺) in Mie Prefecture. Tokurenji Temple belongs to the Shingon Sect and has tradition that the itinerant Kobodaishi (a founder of the Shingon Sect) stayed at this temple at some point in its early history. Many "Ema" (small wooden tablets with an optative phrase and a suitable picture) are dedicated to this temple and most of them are pictures drawn with a catfish and an eel. we can guess that the catfish was added at a later date because of the synonimity of its name and the name of a skin disease "namazu" and the folk-connection of the catfish to the cure of the disease.

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The Vaisesika system is known as ancient Indian realism. In this paper, the author intends to examine the concept of time and space in Prasastapadabhasya (6C. A.D.), which is one of the main texts in this system. The concepts of Time and Space in Prasastapadabhasya are contemplated as three types of, substance. They are kala(time), akasa(ether), and dis(direction). First, kala is the cause of idea of differences between past phenomenon and non-past (future and present). Therefore, the concept of time in Prasastapadabhasya is not considered to be a linear, which is its understanding in modern physics. It might be clear truth that such concept is absolutely differs from one. Next, as for space there are two types of concept. One is dis, the other is akasa in Prasastapadabhasya. Dis is what informs us the place where substance with the form is. It should be emphasized this concerned with substance with the form. Thus, we can see that dis is the visual space form is vision perceives. On the other hand, akasa is the substance which functions is a medium of the transmission of the Sabda (sound). Hence, we can see that akasa is the auditory space. To sum up, the theory of time and space in this system can be concluded that is composed of Empirical Epistemology and Categorical Realism.

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隣接学問の先端は文学を求めています。〈語り〉が主体を造る、これに応えられるかどうかが文学研究に未来があるかどうかの岐路でしょう。〈近代小説〉を問題化した場合、読み手が「還元不可能な複数性」にたどり着き、その上でこれに留まるのでなく、客体そのもの＝〈第三項〉の〈影〉が〈形〉を取った〈実体性〉の世界観に〈転向〉出来るかどうか、さらに、〈近代小説〉の〈ことばの仕組み〉として捉えられるかどうか、です。これは〈語り―語られる〉出来事を〈語り―聴く〉文学空間として生成されていますが、〈語る主体〉を相対化してこれを聴き取ると、そこに「〈主体〉の構築」の可能性がひらきます。

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    大幢信海(1783ー1856　以下、信海と略記)は、近世後期、智積院、根来寺などで活躍し、嘉永3年(1850)9月、智積院第三十七世能化に就任した学匠である。
　稿者は、以前、智山書庫所蔵の聖教、とくにその筆写本の奥書から、いつごろ、誰による写本がどのぐらい収められているのか整理分析し、それをもとに近世智積院の修学状況について考察したことがある(1)。その際、聖教筆写本の点数を調べると、信海写本が元瑜(1756ー1826　江戸円福寺住職)のものとほぼ同数で最も多く、ついで隆瑜(1773ー1850　智積院第三十三世)、海応(1771ー1833　智積院第三十二世)など歴代能化の筆写本の多いことが判明した。
　ところで、この信海について、林田光禅師(2) は、
第三十七世信海僧正は俱舍唯識を海応能化に学び、両一乗を経歴上人に承け、元瑜弘基龍肝の諸徳に従って野沢諸流を受く。文政六年初めて俱舎を講じ命名京洛に高し、同九年請によりて大仏養源院に唯識述記を講ずるや、諸宗の所化集るもの三百有余人、同十一年義林章を講ずるや聴衆堂に溢る、天保五年紀州公の請によりて根来に移るや、先づ四方を勧発して楼門を建て楼上に羅漢及び仁王尊等を安置す、即ち現存の根来大門是なり、此間に於て山内及和歌山に在って俱舍唯識を講じその名南紀に高し、世に海応信海の両哲を以て智山に於ける俱舍の双璧と称す。
と、海応と共に俱舎論に精通した著名な学匠であったと評している。しかし、このように著名な学僧で、数多くの聖教を筆写し、しかも能化に就任しているにもかかわらず、その事績についてはあまり明らかにされていない(もっとも、これは、近世後期のほとんどの学僧にいえることであるが)。
　そこで、本稿では、唯一の伝記である体応記『信海大和上年譜』(以下、『年譜』と略記(3))に見られる得度から能化就任までのいくつかの記事を取り上げ、それらについて智積院所蔵の聖教、次第、記録などにより考察、検証しながら、断片的ではあるが信海の事績(とくに学僧としての活動)をできうる限り明らかにしてみようと思う。

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In recent years the opinion has been raised that scholars scholars should focus more upon the religious aspects of the Tokugawa period. However, we should be paying attention not only to ceremonies, festivals and such religious practices as donation, but also to the structure of the relationship between the clergy and the people. In this article the author introduces one way to discuss Buddhist priests and temples separately, in contrast to the fact that temples have come to be inherited through blood ties since Meiji era. There-fore, he takes notice not of "fields", but rather temples which existed within relationships between Buddhist priests and villages, patron organizations, households, or individuals. His aim is to lend a more vivid image of the relationship between Buddhist priests and local groups or individuals by analyzing the administration of local temples and how their chief priests were replaced. For this purpose he presents the case of the Shingi-Shingon 新義 真言 sect's temples in the Kanto 関東 area (mainly present Saitama 埼玉 prefecture). He restrictes the time of the study to the middle and late Tokugawa period, when the temple patron system and the inter-temple hierarchies under the Tokugawa regime were firmly in effect. His conclusions are as follows. 1) The structure in which at the temples organized into the temple hierarchy was clear: the clergy of Buddhism sects were interrelated with the patron organization or villages mainly through the temples. 2) In that structure the maintenance and administration of a temple's real estate and movable property was an important matter for the chief priest of the temple, the patron organization and the village. The state of such matters affected the relationship between priests (or their clergies) and patron organizations or villages. 3) As long as we study various Buddhist sects besides the Shin 真 sects, it was not only the temple-patron relationship that supported the chief priests of temples (and their membership in the clergy) economically, and but also probably maintained the upper class temples in the temple hierarchies.

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