The purpose of this paper is to analysis how much “High Risk-High Return” Response can influence a regional economy. And Taiwanese high-tech companies are focused on and mainly their investment strategy and employment policy are analyzed in this paper.
Taiwanese economy has been recovered steadily since 2002. And the economic growth ratio of 2004 1Q and 2Q reaches 6.72% and 7.88% respectively. This high growth comes from the private investment growth ratio (24.9%). Especially high-tech companies are in a position to lead this investment.
In Taiwan, there are many excellent high-tech companies such as TSMC (Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company) in Semiconductor industry and AU Optronics Corporation in Liquid Crystal Display industry. They mainly adopt “High Risk-High Return” Response. They invest much money positively and profit much. They have played a large role to stimulate Taiwanese economy. And unemployment ratio of these years becomes lower consequently. Though “High Risk-High Return” Response of Taiwanese high-tech companies may involve a risk of losing much money, this has a salutary effect on Taiwanese economy now.
“High Risk-High Return” Response can be essential for companies to survive, because it is not easy for companies to gain without much investment in today's fast-moving economy. This means that Japanese companies may have to adopt this “High Risk-High Return” Response to outpace foreign competition.
JEL classification : R11, R39, R58

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This paper clarifies the significance and implications of Chiang Ching-kuo’s ‘cultural construction’ and his ‘Taiwanization’ (localization) policy that brought a drastic change in the Kuomintang’s cultural policy in postwar Taiwan.
‘Cultural construction’, launched by Chiang Ching-kuo, is the name that has been given to the last of the twelve major construction projects beginning in 1977, and includes the construction of local cultural centers and the establishment of a Cultural Commission in cabinet. By the construction of cultural centers in every county and major city, this ‘cultural construction’ is acknowledged as the most important cultural policy in the 1970s, having a strong impact on cultural developments in Taiwan thereafter.
The major findings of this paper are concerned with the implications of Chiang’s ‘cultural construction’ and his intention of promoting a ‘Taiwanization’ policy, not only in political administration but also in cultural administration. The basis of this discussion will be centered on the following observations.
Firstly, Chiang Ching-kuo’s landmark announcement to launch his own cultural policy marked a clear transition from Chiang Kai-shek’s policy of the 1960s.
Secondly, the highly symbolic appointment by Chiang Ching-kuo of Ch’en Ch’i-lu, a prominent Taiwanese scholar in the field of Taiwanese aboriginal studies, to the chair of the newly founded Cultural Commission in 1981, represented the first time the KMT was to place a local-oriented personality as the head of the government’s national cultural administration. As a result, Ch’en’s concern with local culture and the notion of Chinese culture opened up new horizons for the KMT’s cultural policy.
Thirdly, Chiang Ching-kuo’s policy of cultural localization is evident through the establishment of Taichung’s first cultural centre, founded in 1976 by the well-known Taiwanese poet Ch’en Ch’ien-wu. When examining the significance of Chiang’s localization policy, we should not neglect the fact that the ideas of a single Taiwanese intellectual became the base upon which Taiwan’s cultural policy was formed after 1970.
Fourthly, the establishment of display rooms and museums in local cultural centers, exhibiting notions of the ‘tradition’ and ‘uniqueness’ of various local places, presents a good illustration of the enhancement of local history and culture to represent the cultural policy of the new age. Such museums, initially conceived by Ch’en Ch’i-lu, can nowadays be seen everywhere, while the concept itself continues to be strongly promoted by the present government.
Finally, following the ‘Local Autonomy Act’, enforced in 1999, local cultural centers were gradually reorganized into local cultural bureaux. In short, it can be said that Chiang’s cultural centers became a prototype that since the 1990s has provided the basis for the decentralization of cultural policy. Hence, due to the above reasons, it is possible to state that Chiang Ching-kuo’s ‘cultural construction’ was a significant part of his ‘Taiwanization’ policy, which can be defined clearly as the ‘turning point’ in the KMT’s cultural policy.

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This case study is maintenance situation of village environment in Chinmen Islands and Pescadores of Taiwan. The clarified on traditional materials for possession/supply/reuse in the repair work of the traditional private houses. The purpose of investigating materials security policy to succeed to the historicalness (the use of peculiar materials) of the private house while there is the limitation of resources.

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Three emergency housing policies implement after Taiwan earthquake that are temporary housing,selling public housings and rent subsidies;approximately 800 thousands victims chose rent subsidies.To grasp the living condition and connection between rent subsidies and housing reconstruction,a questionnaire investigation to victims who received rent subsidies held in summer,2000 in this study.As the result,it is valuable that most victims used rent subsidies as fund of housing reconstruction,especially on repairing housing though it should be used as displaced support.However,most victims have fund problems about housing recovery which cannot be ignored.

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By examining the changes of the utilization and spatial allocation of the living space in Japanese-style houses, the analysis indicates that the houses were extended or remodeled by Taiwanese residents to adapt them to not only the effect of modernization but also to the Taiwanese lifestyle. In addition, since the style of Taiwanese houses have some differences from the Japanese's, some places are likely to be extended or remodeled, but others are actually preserved. Thus it means some Taiwanese residents decide to preserve the characteristics of Japanese-style houses and adjust their lifestyle in compatibility with the spatial allocation. Furthermore, analysis results also indicate that the contents of the transformation of the living space in Japanese-style houses changed according to the length of the duration that new Taiwanese residents lived in the houses.

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PRESENTLY MANY HISTORICAL BUILDINGS AND ENVIRONMENT ARE DESTROYED IN TAIWAN. THEREFORE THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A WAY TO PRESERVE HISTORICAL BUILDINGS AND ENVIRONMENT WILL BE ONE OF VERY IMPORTANT THINGS FOR CITY PLANNING IN TAIWAN. THE PURPOSE OF THIS PAPER IS TO GRASP FOR PRESERVATION OF HISTORICAL BUILDINGS AND ENVIRONMENT IN TAIWAN. AS A RESULT OF THIS STUDY, IT IS GRASPED THAT COUNCIL FOR CULTURAL PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT EXECUTIVE, YUAN, R.O.C, IS ESTABLISHED IN 1981 AND PRESERVATION OF CULTURAL PROPERTY LAW IS ESTABLISHED IN 1982.

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中年世帯と親世帯との交流状況から, 交流の特徴や今後の介護のあり方をみてきた結果を以下にまとめる.
1. 親との同居経験をもつ中年世帯, とくに前期中年世帯の場合は, 家族人数の変化による住宅面積の狭さが契機となり別居になったことや, 親との同居期間において, 自分の持家の購入資金を貯蓄するため, 親としばらくの間同居していたこと, などの状況が考えられる.
2. 両親が健在している場合は, 親だけで生活しているケースが多い.また, 単親のみが健在である場合は, 親だけで生活している割合と, 他の子供と同居している割合が, ほぼ同数である.このように, 現在の親世帯は, 自立志向が存在し, 単身高齢者になった場合でも, 必ずしも子供との同居を望んでいるとは言えない状況がみられる.
3. 親の生活費用の負担は, 親世帯の居住形態によって変化する.親だけで居住している場合は, きょうだいで親の生活費用を負担している.しかし, 親が退職金を持っている場合, 負担しなくてもよいという考え方を持っている傾向がみられる.中年世帯が親の経済的な自立を認識しているということの表れと思われる.今後の高齢社会に向けて, 現在の中年世帯の子供数が減少してきており, 次世代からの経済的支援を得にくい状況が予想できる.今後の高齢者の経済的な自立に対する公的な援助が必要となると示唆される.
4. 親世帯との交流状況について, 親世帯の居住地の距離により, 交流方法が変化している.近距離の場合は, 夫・妻双方とも親世帯との交流が頻繁である.中距離の場合は, 都会の交通至便などの理由により, 世代間の日常的交流がより保ちやすいことを示している.遠遠距離の場合は, 距離に遮られているため, 交流が頻繁ではない.しかし, 妻の親の方が夫の親よりも, 家へ行き来することが多い.これは, 女子では, 出産や孫の世話などが契機となり, 親子の相互的な支援が行われるためである.
5. 中年世帯の親への介護意識については, 介護施設などの福祉サービスを利用する意識が極めて少ない.儒教文化の台湾において, 老親の面倒をみることは, 次世代の責任という意識が存在している.そのため, 中年世帯は自分で親の介護をするという意識を依然として持っている.
6. 高齢者の「予備軍」である中年世帯の居住志向については, 別居志向が高く, なおかつ自立志向も高まっており, 次世代への依存意識が薄らいできている.今後, 少子化の傾向が強まりつつある中, 中年世帯も次世代に頼らない意識が強くなり, 今後の高齢化社会において, 次世代による高齢者への援助が難しいと予想できる.そのため, 今後の高齢者に関する介護問題を社会化することが急務である.
7. 中年世帯が主体的になり, 積極的に地域社会への参加を促進するため, 多世代で参加できる交流活動を整え, 地域社会活動や社会参加活動などの交流内容により, 社会参加の条件整備に努めることが重要である.

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近年, OECD先進諸国をはじめとする様々な諸国で, 「拡大生産者責任 : EPR」概念が導入され, 使用済み家電のリサイクルに関して政府が関与するようになってきた。本稿では, 台湾で使用済み家電がリサイクルされるようになった経緯, 政府が使用済み家電のリサイクルに関与するようになった背景, 政府の管理の実態などから, どのような問題を解決するために政府が使用済み家電のリサイクルに関与するようになってきたかを考察し, 現行制度における課題を指摘した。
台湾では, 伝統的なリサイクル業者による使用済み家電の処理・リサイクルを一因として, その過程に由来する環境汚染が問題視されるようになってきた。そこで政府は, 市場原理に基づきつつ, 適正な業者による環境負荷の低いリサイクルを推進するために, 1998年に「基管会制度」を導入した。しかし現行の基管会制度では, 制度外で多くの使用済み家電が回収されることになっている。また, OECDが提唱するEPRの概念のうち, 「環境適合設計 : DfE」を生産者に直接的に動機付ける仕組みになっているともいいがたい。他の東アジア諸国の使用済み家電リサイクル政策も, 同様の課題を抱えている。制度の中でより多くの使用済み家電が管理される仕組みの構築とともに, 生産者にDfEを動機付ける仕組みが求められるであろう。

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