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  • 斉藤 国治, 小沢 賢二
    科学史研究
    1987年 26 巻 161 号 24-36
    発行日: 1987年
    公開日: 2021/09/22
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    Chun-Qiu (春秋) or the Spring and Autumn Annals is a chronicle of Luo (
    ), a state of Ancient China, covering the period from 722 bc to 479 bc. It includes astronomical records such as solar eclipses, comets, planetary motions etc.. Among these data, solar eclipses, 37 in total, have been examined by many scholars to make clear the calendar of the period. Conclusion is that 33 among the above-mentioned 37 eclipses can be identified with those listed in Oppolzer's "Canon der Finsternisse", while the remaining four have been abandoned as doubtful because no eclipses can take place on the dates of the records. The present paper shows that two of the hitherto-doubted data (# 15 and # 22 of the Chun-Qiu eclipse numbers) can be turned out to be real eclipses solely by changing the year-numbers in the documents as follows. (1) In case of the # 15 eclipse, the original document says, "On a kui-mao day (癸卯) in the sixth month of the seventeenth year of Lord Xuan (宣公) ,a solar eclipse occurred" Simply change the "seventeenth" to the "seventh" in the document, then this record correspnds to Oppolzer's No. 1445 partial eclipse which was visible as much eclipsed as 0.36 in Qufu (曲阜), capital of Luo, in early morning on May 8, in 602 BC. (2) In case of the # 22 eclipse, the document says, "On the first day and geng-chen (庚辰) day in the tenth month of the 21st year of Lord Xian (
    襄公
    ) a solar eclipse occurred." This hitherto-doubted record recovers its righteousness only by changing the "21 st" to the "26 th". Then the record is identified with the eclipse of Oppolzer's No. 1588 which was seen in Qufu in the evening of October 23, in 547 BC. At this time the sun set at 17:23 while being eclipsed as much as 0.26. (3) Julian days of these re-located eclipses are kui-mao and geng-chen, the same as in the originals. This cannot be a mere coincidence since probability of coincidence by chance between the sexagesimal dates is as small as 1/60. (4) The discovered misprints of dates may have been originated from any disorder of the bamboo tablets or from mistranscriptions in the later times. Anyway, addition of these two eclipses will be useful in order to study the calendar system of the Chun-Qiu Period.
  • 小寺 敦
    史学雑誌
    2000年 109 巻 1 号 1-27,157-158
    発行日: 2000/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The research that has been done to date on marriage customs during the pre-Qin 先秦 period forms an enormous volume of literature;however, no standards of textual criticism concerning the one of the most frequently quoted source materials on the subject, the Zuo-Zhuan 左伝, exist to date. In the present article, the author applies Hirase Takao's content outline and "implicit" structural theory to the items in the Zuo-Zhuan concerning marriage, and investigates the geneologies of the major kingdoms. As a result of this analysis, the author shows that the work refutes the spouses and descendents of the Jiang 妾 family, a representative family of the Qi 斉 dynasty, showing a tendency towards breaks in lines of descent. Here, a "form" other than the form discovered by the Hirase can be indentified for the Zuo-Zhuan, in which the Lu
    and Jin 晋 Periud aristocrats, the San-Huan 三桓 and Jin period Han 韓, Wei 魏 and Zhao 趙, and the Jin period Han and Qi period Chen 陳 all correspond, forming a triplex structure. The Zuo-Zhuan contains items on marriage that degrades all families other than the Han, in order to legitimize the Han kings of the Warring States period as descendents of Han Xuan Zi 韓宣子. In addition, the marital evaluations contained in the relatively new tales and dialogues contained in the Zuo-Zhuan negate matrilineal lines deriving from the Ji 姫 name. Also, in pre-Qin times there are regions in which matrilineal blood lines were emphasized, as indicated in the extant bronze inscriptions and bamboo documents from the period. What this means is that checks existed against any attempt to legitimize one's authority based on a marital affiliation with a women with a Ji name, leading one to believe that the Zuo-Zhuan was ideologically opposed to the involvement of women in politics. The Zuo-Zhuan was thus a very politically influenced work utilized to legitimeze the power structure to which its editors advocated. On the contrary, other works of the Qi period, the Chun-Qiu 春秋 and Gong Yang Zhuan 公羊伝, for example, took positions concerning marriage contrary to the Zuo-Zhuan. It was in this way that the various kingdoms of the Warring States period attempted to legimitize their authority by either utilizing marital relations from the past or refuting those of their political rivals, a process within which views about marriage were gradually institutionalized and traditionalized for future generations. Therefore, it is important to keep in mind the fact that the concept of marriage went through a transition half way through the period.
  • 富田 美智江
    アジア民族文化研究
    2010年 9 巻 21-47
    発行日: 2010/03/31
    公開日: 2020/05/16
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 竹内 康浩
    史学雑誌
    1991年 100 巻 2 号 198-232,301-30
    発行日: 1991/02/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    The theory that the five-rank system, consisting of gong 公, hou 候, bo 伯, zi 子 and nan 男 bestowed by Zhou kings 周王 upon feudal lords actually existed can be seen in the classical scriptures and historical documents. In so far as we accept this theory, we therefore must consider that the Zhou kings, after their overthrow of the Yin 殷, reorganized their territorial domain and various 'tribes' once subjected to the Yin. Although the real existence of such a system is now in doubt, the reorganization of the ruling structure by the Zhou kings is accepted by the experts. This, however, will resort in a contradiction. Furthermore, even if the theory of the 'five-rank system' itself is a later fabrication, the reference in the bronze inscriptions to gong, hou, and bos, for example, suggests that that theory as a whole is a later fabrication. As a result of having examined this problem as seen in the Chun-qiu, one of the classical scriptures, the author has found that only in the case of the hou and bo are their founders in the main members of the Zhou royal family. He has also found that, on the other hand, many of the members of the Zhou royal family were given the titles of hou or bo. In addition, it is observed that after the middle of the Chun-qiu period there are many states whose historical background is unclear and yet begin to appear frequently on the historical scene and are given the title of zi. We should, therefore, say that the main purpose of early Zhou feudalization was to make the members of the Zhou royal family into hou or bo and was limited at most to assigning them to their respective feudal proprithorships. In other words, at the beginning of the Zhou we know from the bronze inscriptions that there existed the hou and bo who were enfeoffed by thd Zhou kings, as well as those hou and bo titles remaining from the Yin kings. This leads us to conclude that the reorganization of the Zhou ruling structure mentioned above was not carried out in such a way as to extend to the entire regions, "tribes", and "clans" under the rule of the Yin royal court.
  • 平勢 隆郎
    史学雑誌
    1981年 90 巻 2 号 174-194,273-27
    発行日: 1981/02/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    What was the historical nature of social changes in the Ch'un-ch'iu (春秋) and Chan-kuo (戦国) periods which gave birth to the Ch'in (秦) and Han (漢) empires? This paper seeks to analyse this problem within the context of the formative process of the Chun-hsien system. Former studies have shown that the Hsien of the Ch'un-ch'iu period was established on large Yi (邑) s which controlled several small Yis based on the primary agricultural land. The relation of production in each Yi was so independent that the surviving tribal system of ruled tribes was kept intact and incorporated into the Old Hsien of the Ch'in and Han empires as they were, althogh the hereditary rule by the Hsien ruler was gradually eroded away. In other words, the remarkable change of Hsien in the Hsien-ch'in (先秦) period directly appeared in the erosion of the Hsien rulers' hereditary power. This paper studies how far this erosion had developed in the State of Ch'u (楚), one of the powers in the Ch'un-ch'iu period. Not all of the Hsiens in Ch'u during the Ch'un-ch'iu period were larger than the Old-hsiens of the Ch'in and Han empires. If there was any criteria for the "Hsien" of the Ch'in-Han period, there must have been also criteria for the Hsien of the Ch'un-ch'iu period, though local varieties must be taken into account. The Hsien ruler was called "Ch'un (君)" or lord and Hsien-Yin (尹) was equal to Hsien-ch'un, though there is the possibility that Hsien-kung (公) may have had a special siginificance. An investigation of these Hsien rulers clearly shows that their hereditary power had been widely eroded and the character of the Hsien in Ch'u during the Ch'un-ch'iu period had greatly changed. The advance of Kung-tzu (公子) and Kung-sun (公孫) overwhelmed the Shih-tzu (世族) in the central government and hindered the hereditary rule of these same Shih-tzu at the Hsien level. It is more important that the Wang-tzu (王族) themselves were denied hereditary rule, so that the advance of Kung-tzu and Kung-sun did not bring about a new breed of Shih-tzu. Therefore this advance is an important indication of universal penetration of the royal power of ch'u into Hsiens, even before the reform of Yi-yen (〓掩), the royal appropriation of hilly country forests, groves and marshes already had the full significance of starting the transformation of the Ch'un-ch'iu hsien at the time of King Chuang (荘王) when the power of Kung-tzu and Kung-sun was ascendant. How the Shih-tzu which preceded the Chan-kuo kingdom, like San-chin (三晋) and Tian-shi (田氏) of Ch'i (斉) ruled their Hsiens, and how the role Chao (昭), Ch'u (屈), Ching (景), the three big Shih-tzus of Ch'u played was to be interpreted in the light of the result of our investigation, is a problem to be clarified in future research.
  • 『雲養集』所収『東槎謾吟』と『芝城山館納涼唱和集・輕妙唱和集』を中心に
    耀翰
    立命館アジア・日本研究学術年報
    2020年 0 巻 1 号 1-27
    発行日: 2020年
    公開日: 2021/06/07
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    Kim Yun-sik(金允植, 1835-1922)visited Japan with Ito Hirobumi(伊藤博文, 1841-1909) as an ambassador to prince Yeongchin(Lee Eun 李垠, 1897-1970)in 1908. On July 29th, he attended a banquet held at Suematsu Kencho’s(末松謙澄, 1855-1920)Shiba Shiroyama Hall(芝城山館)to exchange poems with eminent Japanese figures. In the middle of August, he exchanged poems with Suematsu Kencho and Mori Kainan(森槐南, 1863- 1911)while travelling in the Nikko(日光)and Myogi mountain(妙義山)areas. These poems were compiled as Shibasankan noryo showashu(『芝城山館納涼唱和集』)and Keimyo showashu(『輕妙唱和集』)and published in one volume by Shueisha(秀英舎). Kim Yun-sik also compiled a collection of poems of that time and named it Tongsa manum(『東槎謾吟』). Among his poems exchanged with the Japanese figures, there are many poems that have a strong tendency so-called “pro-Japan” that the evaluation of him is on the whole negative. This paper also argues that his poems should be re-evaluated as a sort of diplomatic poetry composed in a place of diplomacy.
  • 瀧 遼一
    東洋音楽研究
    1937年 1 巻 1 号 7-26
    発行日: 1937/11/15
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 彭 国躍
    社会言語科学
    2003年 5 巻 2 号 33-47
    発行日: 2003/03/31
    公開日: 2017/04/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    古代中国社会は身分関係の厳しい封建社会である.このような身分関係は多かれ少なかれことばの運用に反映される.『礼記』(前1世紀)の中で,身分の異なる人の死についてそれぞれ異なる表現を使い分けるように規定している.本論文は『史記』(前1世紀)を対象として死亡を表すさまざまな異形と指示対象の社会的身分との関係,および言語変異に影響を与える他の社会的要因などについて考察した.そして,『礼記』の言語規範と『史記』の言語運用との間の違いについて検証を行なった.
  • 東夷族の始祖神 (昭和三十二年六月会員和田清紹介)
    加藤 常賢
    日本學士院紀要
    1957年 15 巻 2 号 93-134
    発行日: 1957年
    公開日: 2007/05/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 富田 美智江
    アジア民族文化研究
    2019年 18 巻 65-76
    発行日: 2019/03/31
    公開日: 2022/05/23
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー

     族譜は、宗族を形成する柱の一つとして、古くから編纂されてきた。だが、その用途は時代によって異なり、宗族の成員を確認するためという側面が主となる宋代以降に対し、古代においては出自や社会的地位の証明としての意味合いが強かった。何世代前までを祖先として意識していたのか、族譜資料に乏しい唐代以前について、祖先祭祀の範囲から推し量ってみると、王権の正当性を示す必要のある王室以外は、殷代から戦国時代のいずれの時代も、おおよそ遡って三世代から五世代の範囲であり、それが儒家思想に影響し、漢代以降へと続いていく。だが諸侯たちの始祖伝承は、政治情勢社会情勢の変化に応じて、創作されていった可能性がある。周代以降、王朝の始祖に感生説話が付与されるようになるが、漢王朝は建国者の劉邦自身に感生説話を語り、少なくとも前漢の『史記』編纂の段階では、劉邦を古帝王と結びつけるような系譜の創作をしなかったところに特徴がある。

  • 工藤 元男
    史学雑誌
    1986年 95 巻 5 号 786-793
    発行日: 1986/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 西江 清高
    史学雑誌
    1990年 99 巻 5 号 808-817
    発行日: 1990/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 田名網 宏
    社会経済史学
    1934年 3 巻 11 号 1425-1462
    発行日: 1934/03/15
    公開日: 2017/09/25
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 飯島 渉
    史学雑誌
    1993年 102 巻 11 号 1915-1946,2071
    発行日: 1993/11/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    This article attempts to examine the background, content and results of the Cailijiasui (裁釐加税) problem in the Mackay treaty negotiations of 1902, and tries to point out a special feature of the financial structure of late Imperial China. Cailijiasui means abolishment of the lijin tax (釐金税) and an increase in tariff rates. This problem existed from the 1860s to 1930s between China and Powers. Many foreign merchants regarded the lijin tax as a barrier to Chinese inland markets, and demanded the tax be abolished in exchange for increases in tariffs as a alternative fiscal source. However, Cailijiasui was also a policy of Chinese central government for reconstruction of its fiscal system through maritime customs. From a this viewpoint, the Cailijiasui policy was a method of converting China's fiscal system in the true sense. Zhang zhi dong (張之洞) opposed Cailijiasui, because it would have caused local government's loss of its main fiscal source. After the negotiations, he succeeded reserving the right of local government to impose a consumption tax (銷場税). Finally, Article VIII of the Mackay Treaty provided abolishment of the lijin tax partially and increased tariffs. The United States, Japan and Portugal agreed with the tariff rates of the Mackay Treaty, but Germany and the other powers opposed it, so, the internationalization of Cailijiasui was lost, despite the Chinese government's demand for its realization. The Cailijiasui problem is part of a Chinese historical tradition of confrontation between the central government and the local government.
  • 新免 康
    史学雑誌
    1987年 96 巻 4 号 415-456,565-56
    発行日: 1987/04/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    In Eastern Turkestan, the Moslem rebellion of 1864 resulted in the establishment of the government of Ya'qub Beg. It has been one of the main themes of the recent research on this government as to whether its main constituents were the Turko-Islamic natives in Eastern Turkestan (often called the Uighurs) or were those who came from abroad. In this article, the author investigates the government of Ya'qub Beg from a personnel point of view. After the revolt broke out in 1864, a lot of people arrived in Eastern Turkestan chiefly from the Khoqand Khanate in Western Turkestan. They were selected and organized into the main body of the conquest army under the command of Ya'qub Beg. At the same time, Ya'qub Beg seized power in Kashghar. Afterwards, most parts of Eastern Turkestan were conquered by him, and the government of Ya'qub Beg was established. On the other hand, some influential Uighur figures supported Ya'qub Beg in face of his conquests, especially in the cities of Yarkand, Aqsu and Kucha. Therefore, we need to investigate the civil officials and military officers of the government. In the first place, the civil officials can be divided into the central government and provincial government officials. The posts of mirza (secretary) in the central government were occupied by those who had come from Western Turkestan. On the other hand, both the Khoqand Khanate people and the Uighurs were appointed to the posts of hakim beg, which occupied the top posts in the provincial governments. Most of the posts of the various judicial officers in each province were occupied by the Uighur natives who lived in the same province. Next, the high ranking military officers regarded as the commanders of garrisons, which were stationed in the main cities after they were conquered, almost all consisted of those who had come from abroad, mainly from the Khoqand Khanate. It can be thought that they formed a kind of stratum of the high ranking military officers all over the territory ruled by the government. The military officers appointed to the commanders in military operations also consisted of those who had come from abroad. So it is obvious that most of the principal military officers, who played a role in the period of Ya'qub Beg's rule, were those who had come from the Khoqand Khanate. Such a disposition of the officials is not contradictory to the military regime formed and controlled by a conqueror. Accordingly, it is difficult to insist that the government of Ya'qub Beg was mainly composed of the Uighurs. But we should not neglect the fact that some influential Uighur natives actually supported that government. In any case, we will have to shed more light on the character of this government in future research.
  • 飯島 渉
    社会経済史学
    1990年 56 巻 3 号 350-374,449
    発行日: 1990/09/30
    公開日: 2017/09/28
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    In the late Ch'ing period, there were three custom systems, traditional native custom system(常関制度), newly established li-jin system(厘金制度) and maritime custom system(洋関制度). From the financial viewpoint of the Ch'ing dynasty, the relations of three customs system were the process of traditional native custom system giving way to the li-jin system, controlled by the provincial governor, then to the maritime custom system, centrally controlled by the inspector general of customs(総税務司). In November 1901, part of the native customs went under control by nearby maritime customs, which was the result of the Yi-he-tuan(義和団)indemnity problem. But in that background, there was the collapse of the traditional native custom system. The Ch'ing central government attmpted to strengthen the matitime custom system in order to reorganize its custom's revenue.
  • 佐々木 揚
    史学雑誌
    1979年 88 巻 7 号 1077-1119,1211-
    発行日: 1979/07/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to trace the process that led to the establishment of the 400 million franc Russo-French loan to China, the first of the three indemnity loans after the Sino-Japanese War, with respect to the new diplomatic offensive of the Western powers and the structural change of Ch'ing foreign policy ; and to attempt to evaluate its position in the diplomatic history of the late Ch'ing period. Foreign loans to China, which before the Sino-Japanese War had been obtained chiefly from British banks and merchants in China by local authorities, had by the end of the war been reduced to a route that led from Robert Hart, the Inspector General of the Chinese Maritime Customs, to the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation and thence to the London money market. However, after the Three Power Intervention, while high officials of the Peking government bypassed Hart to assume direct responsibility for conducting loan negotiations, Gemany, France and Russia proposed to make a loan to China with the intention of undermining the monopoly of Great Britain in regard to foreign loans to China. At that time, the goverments and bank groups of both Germany and France had plans of organizing an international consortium and the international supervision of China's Customs, but the Russian government from the beginning had proceeded to negotiate with China independently. The Russian government sought the loan for China from French capital, and in order to make the conditions of the loan's issue beneficial to China the Russian government also gave a guarantee in the contract concluded by China as well as securing the approval of the French government for this scheme. Though Great Britain and Germany in response tried to frustrate the Russian scheme by warning the Tsungli-Yamen of the risk involved in accepting a loan guaranteed by Russia, China finally accepted the Russian offer. The Russo-French loan to China, which was concluded on July 6,1895, marked the beginning of the rivalry between the Russo-French bloc and the Anglo-German bloc in late Ch'inginternational ralations. In that year, France succeeded in obtaining the first railway concession in China with the aid of Russia, while Russia established the Russo-Chinese Bank which was to become an important weapon in her policy to penetrate into Manchuria after obtaining finance from the French bank group that participated in the Russo-French loan. On the other hand, bank groups of Great Britain and Germany entered into an agreement for the joint financing of Chinese loans, and this Anglo-German financial entente in China was to continue till the breakout of the First World War. For China, the Russo-French loan was the first diplomatic problem that the Peking government which up till that time had had very little to do with direct diplomatic negotiations coped with after the 1894-95 war under a drastically changed internal political structure and international environment without relying on local authorities. Though the Peking government did not possess the ability to deal with diplomatic problems sufficiently, it was able to get a loan on relatively favorable conditions because of the external factor of rivalry amongst the Western powers.
  • 中村 哲夫
    社会経済史学
    1996年 62 巻 3 号 313-341,425
    発行日: 1996/09/25
    公開日: 2017/09/28
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    The traditional financial systems of Piao-hao (票号), Yin-hao (銀号) and Quan-zhuang (銭荘) had a dominant position in the internal financial markets of premodern China. Piao-hao managed by Shansi-bang (山西幇), which were banks of the old style, controlled the market of government financing, and therefore were not a suitable financial mechanism for an industrial society. The first attempt at monetary reform in modern China was made immediately after the Sino-Japanese War. On 19 July 1895, the Emperor Guang-xu (光緒) ordered all provincial governors and generals to submit their plans for reform of the national finance system within one month. Before then, there was no idea of depositing the national income in a central bank. Weng Tong-hu (翁同和) and Wang Wen-shao (王文韶), gave concrete support to the plan for establishing a quasi-central bank proposed by Zhang Xuan-hai (盛宣懐). Zhang was strongly opposed to any plan to start a national central bank. He proposed opening a special bank based on private capital which could be made to act as a quasi-central bank. On 7 December 1896, the Emperor Guang-xu accepted Zhang Xuan-hai's plan for a Chinese bank and recognised its right to issue silver coin. The bank, whose Chinese name was Zhongguo-tongshang-yinhang (中国通商銀行 the Chinese Imperial Bank), issued bank notes from 1898. The small-value notes for Five and Ten yuan (元) were in strong demand in the Shanghai market and over one million lian (両) were issued each year after 1905. After 1905, the local banks established by every Shen (省) govenment in mainland China and the Chinese Imperial bank in Shanghai began to play an important role in the money supply system. By contrast, Piao-hao managed by Shansi-bang lost a large share in the market of government financing.
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