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全文: "襄公" 魯
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  • 小寺 敦
    史学雑誌
    2005年 114 巻 9 号 1532-1555
    発行日: 2005/09/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Shijing 詩経, the ancient Chinese classic dealing with poetry, contains many verses ranging from popular songs to those sung by aristocrats at their feasts, indicating at what stage poetry was in at the time, what functions it performed, as well as how the Shijing itself came into existence and was compiled. Consequently, the actual places where the verses of the Shijing were recited as related in the historical accounts of the Zuozhuan 左伝 and the Guoyu 国語 were mainly confined to gatherings in the broad sense, including banquets, alliance negotiations, swearing in rituals, conversation, joint military action, etc. It is also clear that very important venues for poetry were communal ceremonies of both a religious and formal nature. According to the fables about how poetry was composed, the place where the Shijing itself was compiled was one of these ceremonial venues, closely related to where the kings of the Western Zhou would bestow bronze implements on their retainers as a symbol of their superordinate-subordinate relationship. During the Western Zhou period, marked by an era of city-states, the Shijing was composed of the oral tradition of musicians, when the Zhou kings dominated the rest of China in both knowledge and technology. However, after the move east by the Zhou, its intellectual monopoly ended as the knowledge and technology was disseminated far and wide by those same musicians to the other states, which soon adopted the ruling methods of the Western Zhou kings. From the last decades of the Spring and Autumn Period, regional rule progressed to the extent of governments with literate bureaucrats carrying on administration by documentation, and due to the fact that the Shijing had been utilized by the Western Zhou Dynasty and the other lords of the Spring and Autumn period, it came to play a valuable political role in legitimizing kingship during the following era characterized by rebellion and usurpation. It was also a time when the Shijing itself went through a transition from oral to written from, as the knowledge of it demonstrated by the followers of Confucius spread throughout the strata of would-be bureaucrats. It was under such a situation, as indicated by the archeological evidence, that during the Warring States Period, the Shijing became one of the ancient classics and changed along with Chinese society as a whole in the transition from the Zhou and Spring and Autumn Period to the world of the Qin and Han Dynasties.
  • 富田 美智江
    アジア民族文化研究
    2010年 9 巻 21-47
    発行日: 2010/03/31
    公開日: 2020/05/16
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 小寺 敦
    史学雑誌
    2000年 109 巻 1 号 1-27,157-158
    発行日: 2000/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    The research that has been done to date on marriage customs during the pre-Qin 先秦 period forms an enormous volume of literature;however, no standards of textual criticism concerning the one of the most frequently quoted source materials on the subject, the Zuo-Zhuan 左伝, exist to date. In the present article, the author applies Hirase Takao's content outline and "implicit" structural theory to the items in the Zuo-Zhuan concerning marriage, and investigates the geneologies of the major kingdoms. As a result of this analysis, the author shows that the work refutes the spouses and descendents of the Jiang 妾 family, a representative family of the Qi 斉 dynasty, showing a tendency towards breaks in lines of descent. Here, a "form" other than the form discovered by the Hirase can be indentified for the Zuo-Zhuan, in which the Lu 魯 and Jin 晋 Periud aristocrats, the San-Huan 三桓 and Jin period Han 韓, Wei 魏 and Zhao 趙, and the Jin period Han and Qi period Chen 陳 all correspond, forming a triplex structure. The Zuo-Zhuan contains items on marriage that degrades all families other than the Han, in order to legitimize the Han kings of the Warring States period as descendents of Han Xuan Zi 韓宣子. In addition, the marital evaluations contained in the relatively new tales and dialogues contained in the Zuo-Zhuan negate matrilineal lines deriving from the Ji 姫 name. Also, in pre-Qin times there are regions in which matrilineal blood lines were emphasized, as indicated in the extant bronze inscriptions and bamboo documents from the period. What this means is that checks existed against any attempt to legitimize one's authority based on a marital affiliation with a women with a Ji name, leading one to believe that the Zuo-Zhuan was ideologically opposed to the involvement of women in politics. The Zuo-Zhuan was thus a very politically influenced work utilized to legitimeze the power structure to which its editors advocated. On the contrary, other works of the Qi period, the Chun-Qiu 春秋 and Gong Yang Zhuan 公羊伝, for example, took positions concerning marriage contrary to the Zuo-Zhuan. It was in this way that the various kingdoms of the Warring States period attempted to legimitize their authority by either utilizing marital relations from the past or refuting those of their political rivals, a process within which views about marriage were gradually institutionalized and traditionalized for future generations. Therefore, it is important to keep in mind the fact that the concept of marriage went through a transition half way through the period.
  • 経済史研究
    2018年 21 巻 App2-
    発行日: 2018/01/25
    公開日: 2018/07/20
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 竹内 康浩
    史学雑誌
    1991年 100 巻 2 号 198-232,301-30
    発行日: 1991/02/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    The theory that the five-rank system, consisting of gong 公, hou 候, bo 伯, zi 子 and nan 男 bestowed by Zhou kings 周王 upon feudal lords actually existed can be seen in the classical scriptures and historical documents. In so far as we accept this theory, we therefore must consider that the Zhou kings, after their overthrow of the Yin 殷, reorganized their territorial domain and various 'tribes' once subjected to the Yin. Although the real existence of such a system is now in doubt, the reorganization of the ruling structure by the Zhou kings is accepted by the experts. This, however, will resort in a contradiction. Furthermore, even if the theory of the 'five-rank system' itself is a later fabrication, the reference in the bronze inscriptions to gong, hou, and bos, for example, suggests that that theory as a whole is a later fabrication. As a result of having examined this problem as seen in the Chun-qiu, one of the classical scriptures, the author has found that only in the case of the hou and bo are their founders in the main members of the Zhou royal family. He has also found that, on the other hand, many of the members of the Zhou royal family were given the titles of hou or bo. In addition, it is observed that after the middle of the Chun-qiu period there are many states whose historical background is unclear and yet begin to appear frequently on the historical scene and are given the title of zi. We should, therefore, say that the main purpose of early Zhou feudalization was to make the members of the Zhou royal family into hou or bo and was limited at most to assigning them to their respective feudal proprithorships. In other words, at the beginning of the Zhou we know from the bronze inscriptions that there existed the hou and bo who were enfeoffed by thd Zhou kings, as well as those hou and bo titles remaining from the Yin kings. This leads us to conclude that the reorganization of the Zhou ruling structure mentioned above was not carried out in such a way as to extend to the entire regions, "tribes", and "clans" under the rule of the Yin royal court.
  • 板野 長八
    史学雑誌
    1978年 87 巻 10 号 1407-1448,1541-
    発行日: 1978/10/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    The moral and political authority of the sage and sovereign as they appear in the Kung-yang Chuan 公羊傳 has become absolute, and they have become the sage and sovereign of the Way of Heaven which subsumes the ritual structure. For this reason, modelling themselves according to revelations sent from Heaven, they bear responsibility in the Way of Heaven ; they are, however, unable to bear responsibility in the Way of Man. This is the same as in the case of the sage and sovereign of the I-chuan 易傳. In the I-chuan, the revelations of Heaven are manifested in Heaven-sent prodigies, transformations, images and t'u-shu 図書, revelatory documents. In the Kung-yang Chuan, they are manifested in portents, tsai-i 災異, and the like, but these portents correspond to the prodigies, transformations and images of the I-chuan, albeit not to its t'u-shu. But in the works which read the will of Heaven as well as its law, such as I-chuan, these are revelatory documents in essence although portents in form. Consequently, works in which the Mandate and will of Heaven read in portents have been inscribed by the sage are the same as the t'u-shu and are, so to speak, another revelatory documents. Further, the so-called "abstruse words" wei-yen 微言 of the Kung-yang Chuan are the sage's records of Heaven-sent revelations and of conduct modelled according to them, and so the wei-yen are also another revelatory documents and records of conduct written on their model, that is to say, the documents born of the revelatory diagrams, t'u 図. From the above facts it is possible to conclude that the Kung-yang Chuan turned the Spring and Autumn Annals into a revelatory text. The Kung-yang Chuan was written in an attempt to establish the ritual structure, with the purpose of "ordering the disorder and restoring it to rectitude" under the imperial domination of the House of Han which took its stand in the Way of Heaven. As a result of it, this work caused the absorption of the Way of Man into the Way of Heaven, just as did the I-chuan. We may also consider that it was influenced by the Shang-shu 尚書, the Shang-Shu Ta-chuan 尚書大傳 and so on, and was completed at the time extremely close to that of its release to the public at the hands of Hu-mu Sheng 胡母生.
  • 籾山 明
    法制史研究
    1987年 1987 巻 37 号 1-35,en3
    発行日: 1988/03/30
    公開日: 2009/11/16
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the Chunqiu period a litigation was called yu _??_ or song _??_ as in later ages. Their definition in later ages is that "a larger suit is called yu and a smaller one song." But in the Chunqiu period they, yu and song, meant two different stages of one procedure of a suit; yu was a dispute and verbal conflicts in the court between the parties, and to sit face to face for the occasion was called zuoyu _??__??_ and to pass a judgement on the dispute duanyu _??__??_ or zheyu _??__??_ ; song itself was. a procedure to originate a suit and it is found in historical materials written in a form such as "X (the plaintiff) brings Y (the accused) and appeals to Z (the judge)." This definite pattern shows the fact that there was a general practice that the plaintiff had the accused accom-panied in bringing a suit in the Chunqiu period.
    The judging standard of duanyu was the justifiability of the parties' arguments. This justifiability was called zhi _??_ and the illegal practice of buying off the judge was called maizhi _??__??_ or to buy zhi. At the period there were no fulltime judges and those who were influential and celebrated filled the role of the judges at request. The parties litigant were often represented by advocates.
    It may be proper to call the litigation in the Chunqiu period with these characteristics the "agonistic lawsuit." And it was closely related with the law structure peculiar to the period where the self-help was generally accepted; the "agonistic lawsuit" and the self-help of the Chunqiu period were both derived from the constitution of the period, that is, the distributed army forces which were each possessed by respective shi _??_ in the form of shi _??_. The cause, then, of the disap-pearance of the "agonistic lawsuit" in the time of the Imperial China may be found in the disorganization of the constitution. The highly bureaucratic litigation system of the Imperial China was a historical product born and formed with the disorganization of the constitution.
  • 平勢 隆郎
    史学雑誌
    1981年 90 巻 2 号 174-194,273-27
    発行日: 1981/02/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    What was the historical nature of social changes in the Ch'un-ch'iu (春秋) and Chan-kuo (戦国) periods which gave birth to the Ch'in (秦) and Han (漢) empires? This paper seeks to analyse this problem within the context of the formative process of the Chun-hsien system. Former studies have shown that the Hsien of the Ch'un-ch'iu period was established on large Yi (邑) s which controlled several small Yis based on the primary agricultural land. The relation of production in each Yi was so independent that the surviving tribal system of ruled tribes was kept intact and incorporated into the Old Hsien of the Ch'in and Han empires as they were, althogh the hereditary rule by the Hsien ruler was gradually eroded away. In other words, the remarkable change of Hsien in the Hsien-ch'in (先秦) period directly appeared in the erosion of the Hsien rulers' hereditary power. This paper studies how far this erosion had developed in the State of Ch'u (楚), one of the powers in the Ch'un-ch'iu period. Not all of the Hsiens in Ch'u during the Ch'un-ch'iu period were larger than the Old-hsiens of the Ch'in and Han empires. If there was any criteria for the "Hsien" of the Ch'in-Han period, there must have been also criteria for the Hsien of the Ch'un-ch'iu period, though local varieties must be taken into account. The Hsien ruler was called "Ch'un (君)" or lord and Hsien-Yin (尹) was equal to Hsien-ch'un, though there is the possibility that Hsien-kung (公) may have had a special siginificance. An investigation of these Hsien rulers clearly shows that their hereditary power had been widely eroded and the character of the Hsien in Ch'u during the Ch'un-ch'iu period had greatly changed. The advance of Kung-tzu (公子) and Kung-sun (公孫) overwhelmed the Shih-tzu (世族) in the central government and hindered the hereditary rule of these same Shih-tzu at the Hsien level. It is more important that the Wang-tzu (王族) themselves were denied hereditary rule, so that the advance of Kung-tzu and Kung-sun did not bring about a new breed of Shih-tzu. Therefore this advance is an important indication of universal penetration of the royal power of ch'u into Hsiens, even before the reform of Yi-yen (〓掩), the royal appropriation of hilly country forests, groves and marshes already had the full significance of starting the transformation of the Ch'un-ch'iu hsien at the time of King Chuang (荘王) when the power of Kung-tzu and Kung-sun was ascendant. How the Shih-tzu which preceded the Chan-kuo kingdom, like San-chin (三晋) and Tian-shi (田氏) of Ch'i (斉) ruled their Hsiens, and how the role Chao (昭), Ch'u (屈), Ching (景), the three big Shih-tzus of Ch'u played was to be interpreted in the light of the result of our investigation, is a problem to be clarified in future research.
  • 福田 仁志
    農業土木研究
    1940年 12 巻 1 号 31-47
    発行日: 1940/03/30
    公開日: 2011/02/23
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 下澤 瑞世
    心理研究
    1925年 28 巻 163 号 89-116
    発行日: 1925/08/01
    公開日: 2010/07/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 山崎 直樹
    中国語学
    1991年 1991 巻 238 号 106-114
    発行日: 1991/10/10
    公開日: 2010/07/27
    ジャーナル フリー
    In Zuo-Zhuan (_??_), the first person pronoun “wu (_??_) ” and “wo (_??_) ” show split casemarking patterns under the following conditions.
    I. In subject positions.
    “wu (_??_) ” tends to appear in negative sentences, interrogative sentences and “qi (_??_) ” constructions, i. e. in the sentences with low-reality mood.
    “wo (_??_) ” seems to express unmarked case.
    II. In determinative positions
    “wu (_??_) ” is used when a speaker refers to his own/his personal possessions. And it's also used to refer to possessions of the group that the speaker belongs to when the hearer is the member of the same group.
    “wo (_??_) ” is used to refer to possessions of the group that the speaker belongs to when the hearer is the member of the other group.
  • 瀧 遼一
    東洋音楽研究
    1937年 1 巻 1 号 7-26
    発行日: 1937/11/15
    公開日: 2010/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 水津 一朗
    地理学評論
    1963年 36 巻 1 号 1-23
    発行日: 1963/01/01
    公開日: 2008/12/24
    ジャーナル フリー
    According to the studies of settlement-geography both in Japan and Western countries, the allotments of land are seen through all ages. This is true of the field system in North China.
    The 1/10, 000 map of China tells, for instance, the predominance of the road net-work of rectangular pattern in those old areas around Loyang and Changan where we witnessed the earlier occupations of the Chinese race. It must be admitted, however, that the flooded plains along the Yellow River were an exception to this rule. We can not exactly tell when it came into being, but the irrigation studies in China make us sure about the existence of the canals in the Ch'in and Han Dynasties (300 B. C. -100 B. C.) or even in earlier ages. Moreover, we have evidences that these canals came down to the present day in spite of the vicissitude of destructions and restorations.
    In the Chou-li (_??__??_), a publication around 1000 B. C., the word fu (_??_) is identified as a ninth section of a rectangular land which was called ching (_??_), the area being 300pu ×300pu. The words i (_??_) and ch'in (_??_) are respectively the names of the greater sections, each being the mosaic multipli-cation of the ching. These areas are surrounded by canals and roads and are measured by trial or quartal or sometimes decimal system. Accordingly the ching-t'ien system in its original plan is supposed to be based on quartal (S Plan) or on decimal system (S Plan), the selection being dependent on the situation. The land allotment of the Twelve Canals (_??__??__??_) in the valley of the Chang-ho River was made in the Wei Dynasty. This is what we call the S Plan and is arranged by twelve rectangular ching, which is respectively surrounded by the irrigation canal. The ch'in-mo system (300 B. C.) in the Ch'in Dynasty was based on the S Plan and the land system (200 B. C.) in the Han Dynasty on the S Plan which was very similar to the Roman centuries. The transformation of the S Plan into the S is already evidenced in the Ch'in Dynasty. Therefore, untenable is the thesis that the traditional ching-t'ien system was destroyed and given place to the newly-established ch'ien-mo system in the Ch'in era.
    On the other hand, the continuance of the land allotment system of the Ch'in down to the Han era is also evidenced by the measuring method. The large scale of Ch'in was applied to the S Plan, while the small scale of Han to the S Plan. The difference between both scales is only 0.2. So it is supposed that both plans are quite similar when they were put into practice.
    Now in Ts'ao-Wei era which succeed to the Han dynasty, the distance between the canals is 300pu. Probably these are modifications of the Twelve Canals of the Wei Dynasty. Moreover, the plan of e Twelve Double Canals was partly applied to the new settlement at T_??_ng-ai.
    Judging from the continuance of land allotment in Chinese history, we can fairly guess at the mainte-nance of measuring method, which kept the allotment intact. The rate of change of the area-measurement, 1mu=100pu×1pu (in Chou) →200pu×1 pu→240pu×lpu (in Ch'in and Han) is the same that of the change, 1li=300pu×300pu (in Chou)→360pu×360pu (after Ts'ao-Wei), which is 1. 2.
    These facts lead us to the conclusion that the form of arable land in ancient China was formally based on both Kurzstreifenflur and Langstreif enflur and here we can see the characteristic farming in North China. It is noticeable, however, that the form of arable land in the jori system, the Japanese counterpart of the Chinese institution, was changed into the Blockflur where the paddy field was practiced.
  • 栗原 朋信
    社会経済史学
    1951年 17 巻 6 号 503-516
    発行日: 1951/12/30
    公開日: 2017/09/23
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 正城 宥基
    智山学報
    1993年 42 巻 345-359
    発行日: 1993/12/12
    公開日: 2017/08/31
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 荘司 格一
    中国語学
    1958年 1958 巻 77 号 3-9
    発行日: 1958/08/15
    公開日: 2010/11/26
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 太田 能壽
    大日本窯業協會雑誌
    1932年 40 巻 478 号 657-663
    発行日: 1932/10/01
    公開日: 2010/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 蔀 淳一
    史学雑誌
    1986年 95 巻 5 号 780-786
    発行日: 1986/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐々木 揚
    史学雑誌
    1979年 88 巻 7 号 1077-1119,1211-
    発行日: 1979/07/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to trace the process that led to the establishment of the 400 million franc Russo-French loan to China, the first of the three indemnity loans after the Sino-Japanese War, with respect to the new diplomatic offensive of the Western powers and the structural change of Ch'ing foreign policy ; and to attempt to evaluate its position in the diplomatic history of the late Ch'ing period. Foreign loans to China, which before the Sino-Japanese War had been obtained chiefly from British banks and merchants in China by local authorities, had by the end of the war been reduced to a route that led from Robert Hart, the Inspector General of the Chinese Maritime Customs, to the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation and thence to the London money market. However, after the Three Power Intervention, while high officials of the Peking government bypassed Hart to assume direct responsibility for conducting loan negotiations, Gemany, France and Russia proposed to make a loan to China with the intention of undermining the monopoly of Great Britain in regard to foreign loans to China. At that time, the goverments and bank groups of both Germany and France had plans of organizing an international consortium and the international supervision of China's Customs, but the Russian government from the beginning had proceeded to negotiate with China independently. The Russian government sought the loan for China from French capital, and in order to make the conditions of the loan's issue beneficial to China the Russian government also gave a guarantee in the contract concluded by China as well as securing the approval of the French government for this scheme. Though Great Britain and Germany in response tried to frustrate the Russian scheme by warning the Tsungli-Yamen of the risk involved in accepting a loan guaranteed by Russia, China finally accepted the Russian offer. The Russo-French loan to China, which was concluded on July 6,1895, marked the beginning of the rivalry between the Russo-French bloc and the Anglo-German bloc in late Ch'inginternational ralations. In that year, France succeeded in obtaining the first railway concession in China with the aid of Russia, while Russia established the Russo-Chinese Bank which was to become an important weapon in her policy to penetrate into Manchuria after obtaining finance from the French bank group that participated in the Russo-French loan. On the other hand, bank groups of Great Britain and Germany entered into an agreement for the joint financing of Chinese loans, and this Anglo-German financial entente in China was to continue till the breakout of the First World War. For China, the Russo-French loan was the first diplomatic problem that the Peking government which up till that time had had very little to do with direct diplomatic negotiations coped with after the 1894-95 war under a drastically changed internal political structure and international environment without relying on local authorities. Though the Peking government did not possess the ability to deal with diplomatic problems sufficiently, it was able to get a loan on relatively favorable conditions because of the external factor of rivalry amongst the Western powers.
  • 吉本 道雅
    史学雑誌
    1995年 104 巻 5 号 825-832
    発行日: 1995/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
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