本稿では、『金瓶梅』にみえる、室内の細扇(折戸)、落地罩などの仕切り、移動可能な屏風や衣架などの家具類、架子床の帳、開口部の簾、幕などを総称して「隔」と定義し、その用例のうち、「隔」の要素としての屏風について考察を試みる。『金瓶梅』の記述とその挿図を資料として、場所を構成する「隔」のうち、屏風について考察を行い、おもに以下のことが明らかになった。(1)『金瓶梅』にみえる「軟屏」は、座屏風を示しているが、明代に日本より献上された日本式屏風「軟屏」とは異なる。このことについての論拠は不明であり、今後の課題とする。(2)屏風は、形態により、小座屏風、座屏風、圍屏、吊屏に分類される。(3)屏風は、美術工芸品として重要視され、その数量によって富裕層であること及びその家の権威性が示される。(4)屏風の形態、用材、図案・紋飾により、それぞれの場所の特性が構成されるとともに、登場人物の社会的身分や生活様式が表現される。また、使用に関しての社会規範がみえる。

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『金瓶梅』は、中国の古典文学で四大奇書のひとつとして知られ、明時代の万暦年中頃に書かれると言われる。 本稿は、『金瓶梅』にみえる家具の中で、案と坐具についての考察を行い、家具・室内意匠の特性について明らかにすることを試みる。考察の結果、次の４つについて明らかになった。(1)交椅は、時代により、名称と形態は異なる。(2)邸の書斎には、東坡椅や酔翁椅が陳設され、形状も他に類が見られない。(3)主に女性の住まいや妓院に陳設される坐具は、坐具としての用途だけではなく、室内意匠の要素のひとつになっていると考えられる。(4)家具・室内意匠と人物描写には、関連性がある。家具・室内意匠の描写を通して、登場人物の社会的身分や生活様式が表現されている。

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 “Jin Ping Mei”, a novel completed during the late Ming Dynasty, revolves around the theme of sexual relations between the wealthy merchant Ximen Qing and his wives and mistresses. The story is set mainly on the limited stage of Ximen's jia or residence and describes the manners and customs of the time in great detail. For that reason, “Jin Ping Mei” has since been used as a historical and folkloric document that centers on the field of the necessities of life vis-à-vis life histories. In this paper, giving attention to the various locations of Ximen's jia from the point of view of residential history, I considered the formal significance of the women's actions at Ximen Qing's funeral and studied the influence that they exerted on the residence.
 First, if we analyze the layout of the mansion as well as the significance of each location, many interesting facts will come to light. In the Si-He-Yuan House, for instance, there were everyday spaces for women—centered around Shangfang, located north of Hou-Yimen (the “inner-facing” domain)—and spaces usually used by men—centered on Dating, located south of Hou-Yimen (the “outward-facing” domain). Supposing the above, an examination of the actions of the women at Ximen Qing's funeral is worthy, considering the social status of the deceased and the interest in the household among the public. The women's formal acts, the locations, and relationships in which they performed those acts have made this funeral an interesting subject for discussion.
 As Ximen Qing met his dying hour, he was clad in funeral clothing by his mistress in Shangfang and then brought to Datinng in the “outward-facing” domain. His mortal remains, placed in a coffin, were enshrined in Dating until just before the funeral procession. After the burial, the “Ling” of the deceased, who was called back by “Daotong, ” was sheltered in a mortuary tablet in Shangfang. Afterwards, the women made sure that the “Ling” entered Nirvana through the “Wuqi” ceremony. In other words, the women were responsible for ensuring his final departure to Nirvana in the “inner-facing” domain of them. That is to say, the women were principal actors in the commencement and completion of Ximen Qing's funeral, justifying the motivation of the study.

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 The order is to show the role on which women carry out a residence by reading ceremonious factor from the banquet of Yuan Xiao Jie of the annual event in “Jin Ping Mei”. Regarding the banquet of this annual event as a series of ceremonious acts by women in the each space in the residence, the series of ceremonious acts is a ceremony to pray a year's happiness. By completing this ceremony, women support the success of XimenQing and his family.

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"Golden Lotus" is one of the most remarkable Chinese novels that depicts the daily life of common Chinese citizens in the seventeenth century. This paper intends to demonstrate the relationship between theapplication of polite expressions in modern Chinese and other social factors such as social status, sex and age through the analysis of various different expressions of asking about the age in the novel.
First, all the thirty two cases of the speech act of asking about the age in the novel are enumerated and are categorized into eight types: 1.propositional content (ji sui). 2. propsitional content+fuzziness (duo da nian ji). 3. propositional content+fuzziness+metaphor (dou shao qing chun). 4. propositional content+elderliness(duo da nian ji). 5. propositional content+polite word(gui geng). 6. propositional content+polite word+senility (gao shou). 7. propositional content+metaphor+indirect speech act (qing wen•••duo da nian ji). 8. propositional content+metaphor+indirect speech act+negation(bu gan qing en•••qing chun duo shao).
Then, every speech act is analysed with regard to the social context, i.e. the social relationship between the speakers and hearers, and the people mentioned in the conversation in terms of their social status, sex and age. The result of this analysis indicates that eight types of expressions evidently correlate with some of these social factors. Types5-8 which imply a high degree of respect possess these notable features as follows:
1. Type 5 which contains "gui-" is mainly used to inquire about the age of those whose social status are higher than speaker's.
2. Type6which contains "gui-" used to inquire about the age of old people.
3.Type7and8which employ the indirect speech act are used to inquire about the age of women.

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This paper aims to make clear the private lifestyle and interior design of bureaucrats, mainly concerning to the study house “HISUI house” in the novel “JIN PIN MEI”. As a result, next five points become clear: 1) In general bureaucrats are persons of culture and have a public life-style and a mental private lifestyle. The latter is mainly performed in a study. 2) An ideal study house should have nature inside and outside of its room and be purified. They place stationery and antique on the desk and spend spiritual life, appreciating them. 3) They design stationery, furniture and interior to make their spiritual and healthy lives enrich. 4) The term “HISUI” is used for giving the house the meaning of a wish for ageless and immortal life and a desire for productivity and revival. 5) The “Dong po chair” designed and used by Su shì is a chair for health and spiritual calmness. Its motif of the top of the backrest is designed from a legendary plant called “líng zhi” which grows in a sacred place. It seems that the “Dong po chair” is the original model of “Tài shi chair” in the period of Qing Dynasty.

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Chinese and Manchu have been said to have a distinction between the ‘inclusive we’ including the hearer(s) and the ‘exclusive we’ excluding the hearer(s). However, in both Chinese and Manchu, sometimes the inclusive we is used for a group which does not include the hearer(s) and sometimes the exclusive we is used for a group which does include the hearer(s). An attempt is made here to account for all the exceptions and show, based on the uses of the first person plural pronouns in fin Ping Mei, and its Manchu translation prefaced in 1708, that for both Chinese and Manchu the inclusion of the hearer(s) is irrelevant in the distiction between the so-called inclusive and exclusive, and that the distinction between the two is between the absence and the presence of the feature [part]. An inclusive pronoun, thus, is simply a first person plural pronoun unspecified for [part], whereas an exclusive one, which is specified as [part], denotes the part of a whole including the speaker and other(s), and presupposes the remaining part of the whole. The proposed system is shown as follows:
exclusively singular- exclusively
singular plural plural
INCLUSIVE zan za(n)men, za(n)mei
'unmarked (Manchu: muse)
(whole-part)'
wo
(Manchu: bi, min-)
EXCLUSIVE an, anmen women
‘marked(part)’ (Manchu: be, men-)
Manchu does not employ the singular-plural pronouns. The present-day Chinese of Peking follows only the exclusively singular and exclusively plural Manchu-type system. Although an and anmen occur far more than women in Jing Ping Mei, in present-day Peking an and anmen have fallen out of use and women prevails. It is not unreasonable to think that the extinction of an and anmen originated from the Manchu-type system used by Manchus in Peking who had ceased to use Manchu and begun to speak Chinese.

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