DAIZENSIIIKI _??__??__??_, which was in charge of cooking (ZENBU _??__??_) for Imperial Household in the age of Chinese law reception, had an attached supply section of people (SHINABE _??__??_) named ZOKUGO. SHI-NABE consisted mainly of the following five sub-sections, UGAI _??__??_, EBITO _??__??_, ABIKI _??__??_, MISOBE _??__??__??_, MOCHITSUKURIBE _??__??__??_.UGAI was under an obligation to fish Ayu _??_ (a kind of fresh-water trout) with comorants on the river Yoshino in Yamato district, EBITO to catch fresh-water fishes and shells on the lakes scattered in.Naniwae district, ABIKI to get a haul of those salt-water fishes and shells as brearns _??_ and horse-mackerels. All these catches were stored in the warehouse (NIEDONO _??__??_) of DAIZENSHIKI which served as a cook for KUGO _??__??_ (Emperor's dinner). MISOBE was to be engaged solely in manufacturing condiments, as a substitute for general labor, such as soy and bean-paste at a state factory named SHOIN _??__??_ which belonged to DAIZENSHIKI. MOCHITSUKURIBE worked at KAHEIJO _??__??__??_, a manufactory in DAIZENSHIKI as well, in order to make rice-cake and other confectionaries.
ZOKUGO, the successor of NIEBE _??__??_ before the Reformation of the Taika era, was composed of naturalized Koreans and conquered native fishmen. They were socially ranked higher than slaves (NUHI _??__??_) but. lower than commoners. It was because these denizens had known a new way of fishing and high technique of cooking introduced from China that many of them were appropriated to ZOKUGO. By the end of Nara era, . however, most of the denizens had been assimilated and the imported techniques had been popularized. And thus, ZOKUGO, emancipated from the social standing of SHINABE, became commoner and the labor which had been supported by ZOKUGO was taken place by compulsory labor (YOEKI _??__??_) levied upon general public.
As the capital was transferred from Nara to Kyoto, MIKURIYA _??__??_, KINYA _??__??_, and KINKA _??__??_, collecting agencies of NIEMOTSU, were also removed in the vicinities of Kyoto. Besides that, there was established a new MIKURIA in Omi district through which aquatic products of Lake BIWA were collected and carried to Kyoto.
In the middle period of Heian era, peerage other than families of Emperor as well as Buddhist temples and Shintoist shrines came to have private MIKURIYA. As a result of it, MIKURIYA was brought to get the similar character as manor (SHOIEN _??__??_), and KUGONIN _??__??__??_ and JINNIN _??__??_, workers in MIKURIYA, got to be rampant sheltering themselves and their respective possessors of Emperor, peerage, temples, or shrines.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the meaning of the "Tainoya" in the aristocrtic residences. By this study, I tried to indicate the various aspects of the building called "Tainoya" from the 12th century until the 13th century. The treatise is organized in the following manner '. Introduction Chap. 1 A case of the "Tainoya" used as the word having the same meaning as the Tai in the Heian period. Chap. 2 A case of the "Tainoya" used as the word having the same meaning as the Tai after the Kamakura period. Chap. 3 Various aspects of the aristocratic residences from the 12th century until the 13th cen- tury, in regard to the word "Tainoya" Conclusion

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Diese Untersuchung ist die Fortsetzung von SEIRYODEN (1). 3.1 Miakamono-no-koto (Reinigung von der Sunde). Der Festort wird vor dem Yoruno-otodo errichtet, in den er mit Byobu (Faltwanden), Tsuitate (Wandshirmen), Misu (Bambusvorhangen), und Maku (Vorhangen) umschlossen wird. Die Zeremonie wird in der Finsternis der Silvesternacht durchgefuhrt. Das bedeutet, dass der Tenno in die Unordnung der Nacht, die sowohl Tod wie Leben enthalt, aufgenommen wird und dabei am Leben bleiben muss. Diese Zweideutigkeit (Tod-Leben) des Rituals wird durch den geschlossenen Raum des Festsortes, wo der Kaiser stirbt und wieder geboren wird, geschutzt. 3.2 Shihohai (Anbetung der vier Himmelsrichtungen). Am Neujahrstag wird bei Tagesanbruch im Ostgarten nahe beim Hiru-no-micho der Festsort errichtet. Inden er mit Byobu umschlossen wird. Darin betet der Tenno Himmel und Erde, seine Geburtssterne (kleiner Bar), das Mausoleum seiner Ahnen und die vier Himmelsrichtungen an. Er muss im geschlossenen Raum sein um mit den Grundelementen der Welt verkehren zu konnen. Die Orientierung lasst das Hier und Dort des Ortes in Hinsicht auf Hier ordnen, so macht der Festort durch die Bestimmung des Hier durch die Umschliessung die Orientierung (Himmelsrichtungen) deutlich, die ihrerseits die verschiedenen Elemente symbolisieren. 4.1 Mikusuri-o-guzu (Darbringung des geheimen Sake). Nach dem Shihohai trinkt der Tenno geheimen Sake (Toso) im Yoru-no-otodo sich gegen Osten wendend, und anschliessend anderen geheimen Sake im Hiru-no-miza, das mit Misu und Kicho umschlossen wird. Die beiden Handlungen haben eine analoge Bedeutung wie Miakamono-no-koto und Shihohai : der Tenno geht in die Unordnung ein und wird wieder daraus geboren. 4.2 Monoimi (Vermeidung des Verkehrs mit der Aussenwelt und Aufenhalt im Haus). Durch Monoimi glaubt man den Tod abzuwenden. Dass man sich vor Furcht vor der Aussenwelt in einem geschlossenen Raum einsperrt zeigt, dass die Wohnung die Ordnung des Lebens darstellt. 4.3 Otono-no-hogai (Fest der Hausgotter). Diese Zeremonie wird normalerweise in der Nacht, zur Zeit des Umzuges des Palastes oder wahrend der Kaiser vom Palast abwesend an einem grossen Fest teilnimmt, durchgefuhrt. Im Fall des Umzuges wirt Feuer, das man aus dem alten Haus mitgebracht hat, an den vier Ecken des neuen Yoru-no-otodo aufgestellt. Durch die Betonung des viereckigen geschlossenen Raumes gegen das Chaos der Finsternis wird der Aufbau des neuen Wohnortes erreicht. Aus den Gebetsworten des Otono-no-hogai kann man lesen, dass dieses Haus, SEIRYODEN, aus einer heiligen Ursache durch den Aufbau der Ordnung von Himmel und Erde mit heiligen Saulen errichtet wurde, und dass man die Hausgotter um Schutz von den bosen Geistern und den Uebeln der Nacht anbetet.

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This paper deals with images of the medieval warrior's residence in Kaoku-zakko and other early modern writings and examines what is common knowledge in the early modern period and what is characteristic of Kaoku-zakko.
In early modern period, it was common knowledge that warrior's residence had changed in Muromachi era. But that change was usually described by the introduction of Shoin and Genkan, and description by the change in style from Shinden-zukuri to Shoin-zukuri as in Kaoku-zakko was comparatively rare. The notion in Kaoku-zakko that warrior's residence in Kamakura era was different from contemporary court-noble's residence was also rare.

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室町幕府の経済基盤は、基本的に、鎌倉幕府のそれを継承して、直轄領からの収入と、地頭御家人の経済的奉仕に依拠していた。しかし、両者ともに機能が低下するなか、室町幕府は、建武政権の施策を参考に、新たな賦課を開始した。地頭御家人に恩賞として給与した所領に、低額の年貢を賦課する制度で、「新恩地年貢」と呼ばれた。
本稿では、室町幕府初期の財政基盤を検討するため、おもに「新恩地年貢」を分析した。史料上に「五十分一年貢」とある賦課も同じものとみなし、以下のように分析した。幕府が所領の年貢総量を把握している場合は、年貢の五十分一を賦課し、把握していない場合は、把握した耕地である「公田」の面積を基準に算出して賦課した。年貢総量を基準とする賦課は、建武政権で採用された新しい方式である。南北朝期における年貢総量の把握の様子も概観した。また、対象となる新恩地は、室町幕府が給与したものだけでなく、建武政権が給与したものも含む。新恩地年貢は、使途や徴収方法の点で、恒例の地頭御家人役に近く、その収入減を補う役割を担った。
また、室町幕府は、鎌倉幕府から継承した直轄領を「本役所」と称し、年貢徴収に務めている様子も分析した。
しかし、鎌倉幕府から継承した財源ばかりでなく、新恩地への賦課も、実効性は低かった。戦乱のなか、恩賞地の経営も、全国一律の課税の徴収も難しかったためであろう。次第に、幕府に直接勤務する地頭御家人などに限り、新恩地年貢を幕府に負担するようになる。南北朝中期以降、「新恩地年貢」という表記は減り、「五十分一年貢」という表記が増える。「五十分一年貢」の記述には、新恩地からの負担という意識が見えない。その理由は、この負担が立場を表す指標となり、新恩地からの支出という意識が薄れていったためであろう。
室町幕府財政は、都市商業への課税など、あらたな財源で安定していくことになる。

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This article examins the northern chamber (oku 奥) of the shinden 寝殿 in the early medieval period and found the following facts. The northern chamber (hokumen 北面) of the Palace of the in 院 was used as the office of its retainers (kinshin 近臣) attached to tsunenogosho 常御所, where retainers such as kugyo公卿 and tenjobito 殿上人 usually waited. Jige 地下 were also admitted here. This chamber came to be called johokumen 上北面 when gehokumen 下北面 was formed as the office of samurai 侍, but later was called uchinohokumen 内北面 during the reign of Goshirakawain 後白河院, when the organization of johokumen was established and its office moved to the tenjo 殿上. In tsunenogosho and hokumen, unofficial meetings with the in took place. There the in talked and played with his retainers in a familiar way, inviting low caste entertainers to perform. This character and function of northern chamber was also common to the residences such as the dairi 内裏 and shogun's 将軍 houses. Generally, retainers of the medieval period were people who served their masters at offices in oku. Servants other than kinshin, who served in the front (omote 表) and were not allowed in the oku, were first called gaijin 外人, then tozama 外様 from the later Kamakura era on. Gaijin originally meant "others" or "someone outside the group", but the word became the antonym of kinshin in the later Heian era when tsunenogosho and the office of kinshin were established, from which time on servants came to be classified into kinshin and tozama. This fact might provide a clue to understanding the primitive form of the master-servant relationship in Japan.

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The aim of this paper is to study the architectural characteristics of the building called "Zosha"in the aristocratic residences, and to indicate the close 'connection of the "Zosha" and the"Tainoya", especially after the Kamakura period. By this study, I tried to clarify the process the"Tainpya" came to a private space in the aristocratic residences from the 12 th century until the 13th century. The treatise is organized in the following manner : Introduction Chap.1 The universality of the "Zosha" in the aristocratic residences Chap.2 Architectural characteristics of the "Zosha" Chap.3 The connection between the "Zosha" and the "Tainoya" Conclusion

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Goryosho 御料所, which are thought to have been the feudal estates under the direct jurisdiction of the Muromachi Bakufu shoguns, have been the focus of historians interested in medieval affairs beginning from regime of Ashikaga Yoshimasa on and have been characterized as being placed in the charge of the Bakufu's direct military vassals (hokoshu 奉公衆) and managed by its Bureau of Household Affairs (Mandokoro 政所). Due to this rather unbalanced image, it has become difficult to proactively evaluate various important aspects of Goryosho, such as its fiscal revenues. To begin with, if we focus on Goryosho during the Muromachi period as estates entirely prioritized as feudal holdings totally exempt from taxes and duties, the conventional characterization of them all having been placed in the hands of hokoshu becomes too limited, for such holdings had also been bestowed on kinsfolk of the Muromachi Shogunate Family, the patriarch of which the author of this paper refers to as Muromachi-dono 室町殿. Moreover, not only the Bakufu's hokoshu, but also its military provincial governors (shugo 守護) were the recipients of Goryosho holdings; and when we consider the Bakufu's golden age from the regime of Ashikaga Yoshimitsu, through that of Yoshinori, focusing exclusively on the estates managed by the Mandokoro becomes very problematic. Bringing into view such inconsistencies in the research to date, the author of this article attempts to reexamine what is known factually about Goryosho during the Bakufu's Yoshimatsu-Yoshinori golden age, in order to show that among Goryosho, there existed estates that were huge in terms of both capacity and the revenue they generated. The author also argues that the importance of Goryosho among the provinces should be reevaluated, indicating that the large scale revenues from its estates (shoen 荘園) were also generated in even the remotest regions, making the Ashikaga Shogun Family one of the elite among all shoen proprietors. Finally, turning to the fact that Goryosho estates were also bestowed upon kinsfolk of the Ashikaga Family, and often replaced and redistributed by each Muromachi-dono, the author again points to the importance of the Ashikaga Shogunate Family as a full-fledged shoen proprietor, a characteristic that has not been given sufficient attention in the research to date.

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What is discussed in this essay is the structure of the Shosho-Betto 所々別当 system which functioned during the Heian Period. In the function of the Shosho-Betto, the following three elements can be enumerated. First, they appointed, under the Emperor, the staff of the Shosho 所々, which means they themselves organized the Shosho system. Secondly, they assumed ultimate responsibility for the Emperor in the management of the service records of the staffs they appointed. Lastly, they supervised the work of the Shosho, without becoming involved in the usual management which was to be done in the Shosho offices, but representing the offices in outside world, for instance before the Emperor, various departments and the provincial authorities. In this regard, the Shosho-Betto were distinct from the department heads 諸司長官 under Ritsuryo Law. On this point of super vision duties, the Shosho-Betto appear to bear a resemblance to the Emperor himself during the period. Tenjojisin 殿上侍臣, the Emperor's entourage, and the konoe-Jisho 近衛次将, the vice-ministers of the Imperial Guard, which attended near by the Emperor, were appointed to Shosho-Betto during the first half of the 9th century. This means that the Shosho were controlled until that period by the Emperor and those linked to him by blood or by personal trust. That is to say, the Shosho, the patrimonial machinery of the Emperor, were controlled by the upper circle of the Court with the Emperor in the centre. However the Kurodo 蔵人, the secretary to the Emperor, came to be appointed to new Shosho-Betto posts, which were instituted from the second half of the 9th century. Here we see a remarkable change in the worth of the Shosho. In other words, there developed a new phase of the Shosho-Betto; the Emperor began to manage the Shosho directly through the Kurodo, while the united upper circle of the Court were relieved of the duty. This means that there developed a notion that the patrimonial machinery of the Emperor should be controlled by he himself. It is said the Emperor became one of the political elites of the period Kenmon 権門, expanding his personal patrimony during the latter half of the Heian Period. Taking our discussion into consideration, the starting point for this tendency can be ascribed to the latter half of the 9th century, during which time the Emperor's personal patrimonial machinery came into being.

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