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  • 大矢根 聡
    国際政治
    1994年 1994 巻 106 号 209-213
    発行日: 1994/05/21
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 佐道 明広
    国際安全保障
    2005年 33 巻 1 号 117-121
    発行日: 2005/06/30
    公開日: 2022/04/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ―天然ガスをめぐって―
    八谷 まち子
    日本EU学会年報
    2009年 2009 巻 29 号 37-58
    発行日: 2009年
    公開日: 2011/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The EU has revealed its more conclusive energy policy following its Green Paper of 2006. The new policy integrates the climate change and energy, which was adopted at the European Council of March 2007. Recently, the EU also emphasizes the importance of the external policy within the energy policy, which is based on a concept of the energy security with diversification of energy sources, supply countries and supply routes. Against such a European framework, this paper will examine the prospect of Turkey's accession from the perspective of security of supply of natural gas.
    Turkey finds itself located in between a major production area and a large consumption area of natural gas: the Caspian region and the EU. With such a privileged geopolitical location, Turkey aims at becoming an energy hub, not a mere transit country, for the natural gas as well as for the oil. Among the numerous pipelines Turkey facilitates, there stretch two BTC pipelines starting at Baku, Azerbaijan finishing at Çeyhan, Turkey, without passing through the Russia territory. Turkey waits for the construction of the NABUCCO project to start in 2010, which is to pump the gas from the Caspian region directly to Europe without touching the Russian soil.
    Russia is the main provider of natural gas both for the EU and Turkey. As the gas stoppage in January 2009 demonstrated, it is recognized as an urgent task specially for Europe to obtain alternative routes of gas supply. For this end, Turkey is geopolitically advantageous over Europe. However, with delays in liberalizing the Turkish internal energy market and the still uncertain situation of NABUCCO, Turkey does not seem to hold strong cards for its accession negotiation with the EU. The Energy acqui has not been opened yet, either.
    The EU opts for its usual ambiguous attitude toward Turkey while emphasizing the importance of Turkey as a strategic partner but leaving Turkey as the only non-EU state among the 6(six) NABUCCO contractors.
  • 年報政治学
    2008年 59 巻 2 号 2_346-2_359
    発行日: 2008年
    公開日: 2012/12/28
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ──国内外の食料安全保障概念と対応策の系譜を踏まえて──
    株田 文博
    農業経済研究
    2012年 84 巻 2 号 80-94
    発行日: 2012/09/25
    公開日: 2015/03/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    食料の量的リスクへの対応には,歴史的に,商品経済や物流の進展等の経済的要因と実効性のあるガバナンス等の政治的要因の両面が影響してきた.日本では,急速な経済成長,食料の輸入依存度の漸増等を背景として,国内農業生産と輸入の比率である食料自給率に着目した特有の食料安全保障概念を形成してきた.本報告では,食料の量的リスクへの潜在的な危害要因が,内外の食料供給力に加え,消費者の入手可能性・アクセス,フードチェーンの弾力性,輸入食料アクセスなど多様に存在することを明らかにするとともに,東日本大震災を契機として様々な分野でリスク研究が活発化しており,この分野でもリスクアナリシスの考え方に基づく実証研究の必要性を論じる.
  • ─災害とジェンダー─
    猪口 邦子
    学術の動向
    2011年 16 巻 8 号 8_68-8_71
    発行日: 2011/08/01
    公開日: 2011/12/09
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 赤根谷 達雄
    国際政治
    2003年 2003 巻 134 号 159-162
    発行日: 2003/11/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 赤根谷 達雄
    国際政治
    2007年 2007 巻 147 号 180-183
    発行日: 2007/01/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 百瀬 宏
    国際政治
    1994年 1994 巻 106 号 206-209
    発行日: 1994/05/21
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 井上 正也
    国際政治
    2020年 2020 巻 199 号 199_123-199_140
    発行日: 2020/03/30
    公開日: 2020/04/16
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 国際政治研究の先端1
    柴田 茂紀
    国際政治
    2004年 2004 巻 136 号 33-46,L7
    発行日: 2004/03/29
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Japanese application for the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) membership in 1952 was obstructed by two major factors: first, U. S. domestic policies, especially with regard to the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act (RTAA), and second, opposition from other GATT contracting parties. The RTAA, which was the legal basis for US trade negotiations, faced strong opposition from the US legislature and could not be renewed to reduce tariffs in 1953. As a result, major trade negotiations were delayed for at least a year. Since the US was the main supporter for Japanese accession to the GATT, such delay would possibly lead to a significant postponement of Japan's formal accession to the GATT. This resulted in the establishment of Japan's “provisional” accession.
    In contrast to other studies which focus on US support for Japan's accession to the GATT and conversely opposition from other countries, this paper illustrates the gradual changes of other countries' attitudes toward Japan. This paper examines in particular the relationship between Japan and Canada. Until 1952, Canada evinced negative attitudes toward Japanese accession and refused to include Japan in the Most Favored Nation Treatment. Nevertheless, as negotiations between Japan and Canada continued, Canada began to favor Japan's accession in 1953. Thus, the Canada case illustrates how Japan won approval from other countries. This paper's main emphasis is on the change in Canada's policy and the significance of Canada's support for Japan's provisional accession to the GATT.
    There were three major factors that made Canada an important actor in international trade negotiations: the size of its economy in the world at that time; its political power (particularly in relation to the Commonwealth Countries); and its close relationship with the US. Thus, Canada played a significant role in Japan's accession to the GATT negotiations.
    Furthermore, Canada, which was the second largest trade country among the Commonwealth Countries, did not cooperate with the UK. These factors exerted a strong influence on Japan's accession in multilateral trade negotiations. At the same time, Canada managed to take advantages of its own position in both multilateral and bilateral negotiations. However, the bilateral conditions that Canada presented to Japan differed from other countries' conditions insofar as they were based on free trade perspective. The change in Canada's attitude illustrates a close relationship between bilateral and multilateral trade negotiations among international relations in that period.
  • 畠山 京子
    国際安全保障
    2017年 45 巻 3 号 1-17
    発行日: 2017/12/31
    公開日: 2022/04/01
    ジャーナル フリー
  • ー学童服計画の断念と学校給食向け贈与の成立ー
    伊藤 淳史
    農業経済研究
    2020年 92 巻 2 号 165-177
    発行日: 2020/09/25
    公開日: 2020/12/25
    ジャーナル フリー

    本稿ではPL480タイトルIIによる学校給食贈与の成立過程について日米両政府の公文書に基づき検討し,以下の点を明らかにした.第1に,アメリカ政府は食生活改善のため脱脂粉乳贈与を提案したが,日本政府は粉食奨励による国際収支改善を訴え小麦贈与を認めさせた.第2に,日米二国間の利害だけでなく他国との協定の影響により交渉は難航した.第3に,日米は学童服への綿花贈与でも合意したが加工費負担問題により断念された.第4に,贈与小麦はパン用小麦でないためカナダ産小麦とのブレンドが必要だった.以上の知見は,学校給食によるパン食の普及を通じたアメリカ小麦市場開拓という従来の見解が成り立たないことを示すものである.

  • 三川 譲二
    史学雑誌
    1994年 103 巻 5 号 828-833
    発行日: 1994/05/20
    公開日: 2017/11/30
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 道下 徳成
    国際安全保障
    2006年 33 巻 4 号 1-9
    発行日: 2006/03/31
    公開日: 2022/04/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 坪内 淳
    公共政策研究
    2008年 7 巻 73-82
    発行日: 2008/01/25
    公開日: 2019/06/08
    ジャーナル フリー

    冷戦後の日本の外交安全保障政策は,「当事者意識に欠け,適切な問題認識・整理の枠組みを持たず,時間感覚の抜け落ちた」背景によって,そのアジェンダ・セッティングに重大な誤謬を犯している。それは,越境問題や非伝統的安全保障への取組みによって,冷戦後の新しい国際環境に対応しているかのような錯覚のもと,自らの置かれた地政学的困難さの認識と,日米関係の再構築という本質的問題を見失っていることである。国際関係における越境間題の正確な理解に加え,日米同盟の不変性への過剰な期待から脱し,正当な危機感を持った政策形成のためには,外交安全保障政策に関わる政策コミュニティの活性化こそが鍵であろう。

  • 文官優位制度を中心に
    小出 輝章
    国際政治
    2008年 2008 巻 154 号 154_79-154_94
    発行日: 2008/12/30
    公開日: 2011/01/26
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the cold war era, Japanese political leaders decided most of defense policies without providing the military expert advice, so they seldom met with the military officers. The Internal Bureau supervised the Self-Defense Force (SDF) that consists of the Ground Defense Force (GSDF), Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF) and Air Force Self-Defense Force (ASDF). The Internal Bureau was responsible for defense policies with the SDF. In other words, the Internal Bureau's main role was not operation of the SDF but management of it, such as the defense build up plan and the administration of personnel affairs. Political leaders formally controlled the military.
    In the post cold war, the security environment surrounding Japan has changed defense policy considerably. The SDF missions and roles has expanded. Thus, the Ministry of Defense (MOD) has reviewed “Positioning of Missions”. Defense of Japan 2007 says, “Among those operations historically positioned as Supplementary missions, the following were stipulated as primary missions.
    1) Activities that contribute to maintaining the peace and security of the international community including Japan, including international disasters relief operations, international peace cooperation operations, operations based on the Anti-Terrorism Special Measures Law, and operations based on the Law Concerning Special Measures on Humanitarian and Reconstruction Assistance in Iraq.
    2) Activities conductive to ensuring the peace and security of Japan in situations arising in areas surrounding Japan, such as rear area support and other activities based on the Law concerning Measures to Ensure the peace and Security of Japan in Situations in Areas Surrounding Japan and ship inspection operations based on the Ship Inspection Operations Law.
    3) Activities to ensure the safety of the livesand property pf the Japanese People, such as minesweeping and the evacuation of Japanese nationals abroad.”
    Organization of the MOD/SDF has changed to coupe with various missions. The MOD has reconstructed its internal bureaus in order to make various policies. It goes without saying that the SDF has been reconstructed.
    It is clear that political leaders, such as the Minister of Defense can't decide defense policies without the military expert advices. The Chief of Joint Staff Office and the Chiefs of Staff for the GSDF, MSDF and ASDF are military expert advisors to the Minister. So, Civil- Military relations has been changing in Japan.
  • 赤根谷 達雄
    国際政治
    1994年 1994 巻 106 号 162-179,L16
    発行日: 1994/05/21
    公開日: 2010/09/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    As the result of the World War II, the German government ceased to exist; Germany was occupied and governed directly by the occupation authorities of the United States, Great Britain, France and the Soviet Union. The Japanese government continued to exist; Japan was occupied and indirectly controlled by SCAP/GHQ whose personnel were predominantly American. The occupation of Japan by the Allied Powers was in substance a unitary occupation by the United States.
    The United States, as an occupying country, tried to associate the occupied Japan and Germany with the International Trade Organization (ITO) and/or the-General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), and thereby secure reciprocal most-favored-nation treatment for these occupied areas. Many countries, however, were opposed to such attempts on the grounds that the issue of most-favored-nation treatment should be dealt with in appropriate Allied control councils, and ultimately in a peace treaty.
    Nevertheless, the United States efforts bore certain fruis with regard to Germany. In mid-1948, in connection with the Marshall aid agreements, West European countries granted most-favored-nation status to Western Germany in an exchange of notes with the United States. This success was followed, in September 1948, at the second Session of the Contracting Parties to GATT, by a multilateral arrangement outside GATT framework, whereby countries signatory to it agreed to grant most-favored-nation treatment to Western Germany on a reciprocal basis. West Germany was also invited to the Torquay tariff negotiations of GATT, and given an opportunity to accede to it. However, similar efforts by the United States with regard to Japan all failed. Why did these differences occur?
    Whereas Japan regained sovereign status after the making and coming into effect of the San Francisco Peace Treaty, Germany made no peace treaty. Germany was recreated as a divided country. The differences in the political climate in Asia and Europe, and consequently in the ways in which Japan and Germany regained independence seem to have affected their acquisition of most-favored-nation treatment and entry to GATT. West European support for West German accession to GATT was in line with the grand strategy of the West to create a West German State in a context of growing cold war tensions in Europe. West Germany was an integral part of Europe economically, politically, strategically for the West. In contrast, there was no corresponding support by the West European countries for Japanese accession to GATT. The issue of most-favored-nation treatment for Japan was then made an issue for the peace treaty; and no country except the United States supported most-favored-nation status for Japan in the process of peace-treaty making.
  • ?秘密指定情報制度を中心に?
    *平松 純一
    日本社会情報学会全国大会研究発表論文集
    2011年 26 巻
    発行日: 2011年
    公開日: 2012/03/20
    会議録・要旨集 フリー
    This paper analyzes the U.S. national security information management policy by mainly focusing on a classified information system. After reviewing the history and contents of the U.S. classification system, it explores certain policy implications in both positive and negative terms. My findings show how American national security information management works and where its weakness and problems lie .
  • ――「人間の安全保障」の視点から――
    永田 博美
    国際安全保障
    2002年 30 巻 3 号 69-92
    発行日: 2002/12/31
    公開日: 2022/04/28
    ジャーナル フリー
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