This article examines technological and socio-cultural aspects of Andean environmental exploitation, from pre-Hispanic times to the present. Data was obtained mainly during field research in the Peruvian Andes.
The Andes form a cordillera stretching for about 8,000 kilometers north and south along the Pacific coast of the South American continent. The cordillera includes many high peaks above 6,000 meters. Since the Andes are such long and high mountains, with a north and south axis, natural environments differ greatly from place to place according to latitude and altitude. The tropical Andes range from Venezuela, Colombia and Ecuador to Peru and Bolivia, and environments range from tropical lowlands covered with rain forest to alpine areas covered with ice and snow.
Since ethnohistorical studies by Murra(l968, 1972), in which he examined environmental exploitation among Andean populations, “vertical control” has been a major theme in Andean ecological and economic anthropology. Subsequently many studies of contemporary “vertical control” or cultural adaptation have appeared. These studies confirmed that many communities have subsistence economies organized along the same lines of vertical control as in Murra’s ethnohistorical examples (Brush 1976). The recent studies further show that the Andean highlands have less productive and more fragile environments. In fact, many communities are suffering from the deterioration that follows gullying, flooding, and erosion. Nevertheless, populations in the tropical Andes have been able to farm crops and raise domesticated animals for a long time, in permanent settlements. Permanency may depend on the following events:
1) Highly productive plants and animals became domesticated.
2) Many varieties became well-adapted to the environments in which they were grown.
3) Technologies for environmental control made it possible to use fragile environments in a sustained manner.
4) Methods were developed for effective use of limited natural resources.
5) Effective social systems were developed for land control and use by local communities.
The principles needed for permanency are still maintained in many traditional communities that are economically self-sufficient. In such communities, the inhabitants have tried to avoid production risk by not pursuing high productivity, and by attaching greater importance to stable production. In recent years however, market economies have developed even in the high mountain areas, due to progress in transportation. In addition, many highland inhabitants have emigrated to the lowlands because economic resources became scarce in the highlands. Previously self-sufficient rural communities have thus experienced many changes, including dramatic changes in land use.

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This Article introduces archaeological remains related to early agriculture, especially rice cultivation, in Late Prehistoric to Early Historic Southeast Asia, and presents aspects of agricultural development based on recent archaeological informations.
 Cultivated rice remains found at prehistoric to early historic sites in Southeast Asia reveal the appearance of rice cultivation in both Mainland and Islands Southeast Asia in the second millennium B. C., and indicate that various types of rice were cultivated in the first millennium B. C. and the first millenium A. D.
 Farm implements used in the first millennium B. C. and the first millennium A. D. include the hoe, spade, sickle, harvesting knife and weeder.
 Many harvesting knives made of shell, stone and metal from Neolithic or Early Metal sites suggest that ear-plucking was the major way of rice harvesting in Early Southeast Asia. On the contrary, most of the sickle-shaped iron implements found at Early Metal sites are not harvesters but weeders of a type that is still used by inhabitants of Southeast Asia.
 Metal hoes of Yunnan style and Han style were found at Early Metal sites in North and North-Central Vietnam only. Few metal hoes were uncovered at Early Metal sites in Southern Indochina and Malaya, where many iron weeders were found.
 Based on the distribution of farm implements, it is proposed that there were two tides of rice cultivation in Early Southeast Asia, that is, the agriculture with metal hoe originating in China, and the agriculture with no metal hoe adapted to the natural environment of Deep Southeast Asia.

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There was a particular variety of spade in south Hokkaido used for cultivation from early times. While generally called suki, the common name for Japanese spade, it was less frequently called fumi-suki or fumi-kuwa. The spade was made of an iron share known as suki-saki and sometimes locally as suki-gane and saki-gane, the edge called ha or hasaki, and a wooden helve, called suhi-gara. The upper part of the share formed a U-shape, the inner edge of which had a bezel called sashikomi, dai-iri or mizo. The butt of the wooden heel (dai) had names for either end, dai-saki for the fore part and ashikake, ashibumi or fumi for the butt part. The handle (e, te or tsuno) has a name for the end only (esaki or sute) . The greater part of the share was made of wrought iron, but the edge was of steel. The wood of the helve was Magnolia hypoleuca, oak, paulownia, willow, cherry, maple, mulberry and the like. Magnolia hypoleuca was the best, but since it was not so plentiful in Hokkaido, oak was used more frequently. The helve was cut from a crook in the trunk and bough of a tree. The tree had to be suitably selected for the trunk to be about 30 cm in diameter and the bough a minimum of 12 cm. The iron share was made by an experienced village smith in fixed sizes. Each user made his own wooden helve, the husband making them for his wife if necessary. He cut a tree with a broad ax in the forest and used a saw, hatchet and plane to finish the helve, following a good model. The share had a straight edge, its corners at right angles, its over-all shape rectangular, with dimensions about 55 by 15 cm. Inside the separated upper part is a bezel for the insertion of the fore part of the butt. The bezel took a U-shape about 30 cm long and 12 cm wide. The butt of the helve was boat-shaped, ranging from 50 to 60 cm long and about 15 cm wide, one end about 30 cm in length and the other about 10 cm in length, the butt end about 5 cm thick. The curved handle was between 130 and 150 cm in length, and the end was 60 to 80 cm in height. Spades were used mainly by women, but boys were often ordered by their mothers to cultivate the fields with them. Men used a larger one than women. The spade was also used for the initial clearing of tracts of natural growth. Spades used for such purposes were large and stronger than the general spades. Spades were used for cultivation of both vegetable gardens near the house and cornfielde farther away. Sandy, clayey, hillside and flat land were all cultivated by this spade ; in fact, it was used for all but paddy fields. The spade turned up the earth to the right and left alternately, as the user moved back-wards. Ridges were cultivated one by one, boustrephedon style, except on slopes, where plowing took place only backwards. When the soil was to be turned over only to the right, the end of the handle was held by the right hand and the middle of the handle was held by the left hand and the left foot placed on the butt end. But if soil was to be turned the other way, the positions of the hands and feet were reversed. Deep cultivation with this spade was possible in relatively soft and sandy soil, but was progressively more difficult in clayey and stony soil. Spading could be done through the strength of the foot, but turning over the soil depended on the hands and thighs. After cultivation, the clods had to be broken up. The normal efficiency of the spade was about five or six ares of farmland in a day, but it was not difficult to cultivate ten or more ares for an experienced user. It was more efficient than the hoe used in Japan ; the work went more smoothly and required less strength.

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In this paper I insist on making use of the rich content of Nousho in the Edo era positively as the main historical material for tha regional study and I reconsider the regional characteristic of Shimotsuke with the group of Nousho in Shimotsuke as an example. In Japan in the Edo era, various Nousho were produced in each region. Those regional Nousho are the books in which not only the agricultual technique but also all kinds of works of farmers are written and those Nousho are suitable historical material to indicate the regional life and the regional characteristic as a whole. In the regional Nousho they carried through their insistence that their own regions were the center and that it was important to know the characteristics of their own regions well and to create and maintain the agricultural technique and the way of living which were suitable for their own regions. The regional Nousho also includes the wisdom and the idea of farmers who tried to make the most of their regional resources and it shows concretely how combination and circulation of regional resources should be. It has been understood so far that Shimotsuke in the late Edo era was a region where the farmers were poverty and the village was devastated hard. But in Shimotsuke outstandingly many Nousho in early modern times were produced among Kanto erea. And what is more, the media or the ways of expression of Nousho in Shimotsuke had a rich variety. In addition to the one written with paper and writing brush, there are shrine sculpture, dedicated Ema, Tendara sculpture and the one engraved on the stone. These group of Nousho make it possible to see the knowledge, the ability and the margin of the farmers, the richness of the agricultural culture, and the substantiality of the village society and the regional society in Shimotsuke. Many of Nousho in Shimotsuke were produced along the river. The regional characteristic of Shimotsuke which was the junction of the people, the articles and the information which connected the Northern Kanto area with the Ou area through the river transport was the foundation to produce many Nousho.

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This report summarizes the results of a survey conducted in Kecamatan Malili, Wotu and Bua Ponrang of Kabupaten Luwu from December 1980 through January 1981. Many spontaneous and independent migrants, in addition to the governmental transmigrants, come to this region of low population density and clear agricultural land for themselves. The spontaneous migrants, most of whom are Torajanese and Buginese from the neighbouring Kabupaten, clear forest to make wet-rice fields (sawah), upland fields (ladang) or estates (kebun) for commercial crops. The process by which they adapt to the new environment and their impact on the native people were investigated.
 The Torajanese migrants have a strong tendency to establish wet-rice fields in their settlements similar to those in their homeland, while the Buginese migrants have a wider adaptability which enables them to employ various methods of cultivation in their settlements. The Buginese migrants tend to grow commercial crops such as cengke (cloves) in addition to wet rice. The native people affected by the migrants have begun to open permanent fields for rice instead of practicing shifting cultivation. Their permanent rice fields are called sawah ladang, wet-rice fields derived from shifting-cultivated fields; they are not yet well enough established to be called ‘real’ wet-rice fields. In the migrant settlements, rice is usually cultivated first by dibbling without tillage, then by cangkul-tillage and transplanting after the fields have been bunded. Migrants intend eventually to adopt buffalo-ploughing in place of cangkul-tillage. The changes involved in this process of developing wetrice cultivation in the new agricultural settlements are discussed.

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 中央アンデス南高地の社会は、多様な自然環境、複雑な民族構成、外部世界からの経済的圧力によって多様化されてきたが、同時に封建的大土地所有地や先住民共同体といった歴史的に構築された諸制度によって、構造化されていた。この多様性と制度の規定性を理解するために、地域の古い農業構造を劇的に作り変えた農地改革時における、ペルー・クスコ県・カルカ郡のアシエンダと先住民共同体に研究の焦点を合わせる。
 本稿は、「すべての個人の心理的性向や行為は、予測不能で多様なものである」という理論的・仮説的立場をとるが、予測不能な個人の行為が社会的に無秩序に陥ることを防いでいるのが「制度」「ルール」である。一方、個人の行為はハーバート・サイモンのいう「限定合理性」を持つ可能性があり、この「制度」の中で、人類学の視点に呼応する「個人の行為は合理的である」という仮説から本稿は出発する。
 研究対象地域においては、「先住民共同体」「アシエンダ」それぞれの内部に歴史的背景や経営体の運営方法の大きな多様性を見出すことができる。ほとんどすべての先住民共同体が彼らの生存食料であるジャガイモなどを栽培する非市場志向圏に位置し、アシエンダは穀物栽培・家畜飼育などの商品生産に適した区域を占有していたといっても、先住民共同体やアシエンダの成立過程や商品生産への適応の度合いの差は多様である。また同時に、個々の先住民共同体メンバーや個々のアシエンダ領主の意識や行動にも大きな違いがある。
 「先住民共同体」「アシエンダ」といった公式制度の政治的地位および運営方法の多様性が、個々のメンバーの農地改革に対する態度の違いをもたらし、アシエンダの農業協同組合への転換、隣接する先住民共同体への編入、またはアシエンダ旧領主に対する部分的所有権の承認といった、改革の多様な過程と結末につながったのである。この変化は、古いアシエンダ・システムから、より平等新たな体制への制度的転換をとおして行われたのであるから、アシエンダ領主、先住民共同体メンバー、農村労働者たちの意識や行動の限定合理性は、農地改革後の変化にともなって変化を余儀なくされ、その変化が新たな体制につながったのである。

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This study describes the plowless agriculture characteristic to the tuber and rice culture of the trans-equatorial zone. Although various types of plow and harrow are in use today, their introduction is rather late. In Java the plow came into general use in the Dutch time, even though it is mentioned in epigraphs and illustrated in the caryings of the eighth to ninth century. Common cultivation technology before the Dutch period presumably consisted of tillage by digging stick and paddle-shaped hoe, weed cutting by use of a long knife. and soil preparation by buffalo or cattle-trampling. This surmise is based on the fact that these technologies and tools are still in popular use in Malaisia, the trans-equatorial zone from Madagascar, through Indonesia, to Melanesia, Micronesia and Polynesia. Together with these ancient traditions, ancestor souls and earth spirits are still often invoked for permission to open the land and for successful cultivation. Various rites, offerings and omens are observed, some of which are very similar in notion and form to those surrounding the worship of Osiris, the Egyptian god of crops, who returned after death. The concept of revival in funeral rites, megalithic altars and graveyards, some of which are similar to the terrace pyramids of ancient Egypt and Ziggurat of West Asia, are broadly distributed in Malaisia. The coexistence of plowless agriculture on one hand and traditions that originated in West Asia on the other suggest the possibility that a plowless zone and plow-cultivation zone have been in contact for several millenia. The author surmises that the trans-equatorial cultural zone was formed through this wide-ranging contact.
 The oldest form of agriculture in the plowless zone is probably tuber-cropping. Its distribution in the Neolithic era would have been much broader than it is at present ...

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This report aims at clarifying the characteristics of rice culture conventionally and traditionally practiced in the Southeast Asian (SEA) archipelago and reconsidering the genealogy of rice culture from the viewpoint of historical development and distribution of farming practices and rice-growing techniques specific to the rice culture in the archipelago.
 In Chapter 1, based on the regional variation in farming practices and rice-growing techniques, Asian rice culture is typologically classified into three major types, namely, the Indian type, the Chinese type, and the Malayan type. Most typical sequence of the practices and techniques for each type can be summarized as follows. (1)For the Indian type, a sequence consisting of land preparation with a plow and a harrow drawn by two cattle; broadcasting in dry fields; intertillage and weeding with a harrow; harvesting with a sickle having a long, crooked, serrated blade; and threshing by beating bundles of rice or by cattle-trampling. (2) For the Chinese type, land prepartation with a plow and a harrow drawn by one cattle; transplanting seedlings; manual weeding with various tools; harvesting with a sickle having a crescent-shaped blade; and threshing by beating. And (3) for the Malayan type, land preparation by various methods like puddling with an oar-shaped spade, cattle- trampling and human-foot-trampling, and a non-tillage method by which grasses are just cut with a long scythe-like tool; various methods of sowing or transplanting like dibbling with a stick, transplanting by punching holes with a short stick, and broadcasting in wet fields; manual weeding; harvesting panicles with a reaping knife; and threshing by foot-trampling or by pounding in a mortar. Based on the comparison of these ...

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