詳細検索結果
以下の条件での結果を表示する:
全文: "近衛基通"
10件中 1-10の結果を表示しています
  • ― 近世公家住宅の復古に関する研究 3 ―
    藤田 勝也
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2013年 78 巻 684 号 475-483
    発行日: 2013/02/28
    公開日: 2013/05/31
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this study is to clarify the realities of Heian revivalistic style of the court-noble's residence at the early modern period. In this paper, the residence of the Takatsukasa-family especially were taken up and the history of the residences at the early modern period was confirmed. The shinden had the Heian revivalistic style since the latter half of the 17th century. After conflagration Tenmei, this style was completed, and was realized by the following three factors: the investigation by Kozen Uramatsu, a strong commitment to the restoration by Sukehira Takatsukasa, and the execution design by Harima Kigo.
  • 藤田 勝也
    日本建築学会計画系論文集
    2006年 71 巻 603 号 161-166
    発行日: 2006/05/30
    公開日: 2017/02/17
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to clarify the details of how the "Shinden-zu" was drawn. It is possible that Kozen Uramatsu was the author of the "Shinden-zu" and he described it based on some historical materials. These materials also helped the author of the "Tbka-Zasho" complete his work. These materials asserted that it was a drawing of a resident building where Gokyogoku-dono was living in Kamakura period. But in fact, It was the drawing of a mid 17^<th> century residence of the Kujo-family. Kozen carelessly believed it true. It probably happened because there was a historical background that Kujo-family was building a traditional shinden in a Heian revivalistic style during early modern period.
  • ――高山寺での活動を中心として――
    小宮 俊海
    智山学報
    2018年 67 巻 199-222
    発行日: 2018年
    公開日: 2019/03/30
    ジャーナル フリー
    洛西栂尾高山寺(以下、高山寺)は、鎌倉初期に明恵房高弁(一一七三~一二三二)(以下、明恵)が中興開山以来、現在にいたるまで膨大な典籍文書が所蔵される。この高山寺経蔵は、貴重な資料を伝存する宝庫として名高い。これら所蔵される典籍文書については、『高山寺経蔵典籍文書目録』全五冊(以下、『高山寺目録』)として刊行され、現在その全貌をある程度窺い知ることができる。
     本稿では、現在の高山寺経蔵の基礎をなしたとされる慧友僧護(一七七五~一八五二)(以下、慧友)の事績について、その果たした役割や活動の目的を明らかにする。慧友の七十八年という長い生涯は、一貫して幕末の高山寺において、荒廃した境内堂宇ならびに経蔵聖教の修繕・整備を精力的に推し進めたことがわかる。その功績は、現在貴重な多くの資料を伝存する高山寺経蔵を考える上で極めて重要である。
  • 益田 宗
    史学雑誌
    1981年 90 巻 10 号 1558-1564
    発行日: 1981/10/20
    公開日: 2017/10/05
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 小島 明子
    日本文学
    2006年 55 巻 7 号 12-21
    発行日: 2006/07/10
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    『我身にたどる姫君」は、女帝の統治・今上帝の善政描写に特徴がある。それは机上の空論と見るべきではなく、鎌倉初期の九条兼実が実際に取り組んだ政策に一致する点が多いことが指摘できる。院近臣を排除し、天皇家を中心にその外戚たる藤氏摂関家がそれを補佐するという、兼実・慈円兄弟が理想とした御代を物語は実現しているのである。そこには、保元の乱以降、天皇家も摂関家も武家勢力によって分断された「危機の時代」を生きる物語作者の切なる執筆動機が読み取れる。
  • 上宇都 ゆりほ
    日本文学
    1999年 48 巻 3 号 46-55
    発行日: 1999/03/10
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    『拾玉集』に収載される建久二年閏十二月二十八日の慈円・良経贈答歌は後白河院崩御直前に交わされた。和歌の明るさは院と疎遠であった九条家の展望に加えて、病悩に伏していた任子が内裏に還啓するという慶事による。慈円はこの頃院御悩の修法を行っているが、慈円の両義的立場は暗喩という表現法をもたらし、和歌の解析を困難とする。その晦渋さは遊戯性によるものではなく、「達磨」も「新風和歌」を示す歌語ではないと考える。
  • 松林 靖明
    日本文学
    1985年 34 巻 5 号 1-9
    発行日: 1985/05/10
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    『承久記』諸本のどれを見ても後鳥羽院の怨霊が現われない。最古態の慈光寺本は後鳥羽院御霊の発動以前の成立だからであると考えられるが、前田家本は成立時期、『保元物語』の強い影響などから怨霊を描かないのは何らかの理由があったと見るのが自然である。『後鳥羽院御霊託記』等を見ると、前田家本成立時期の室町初期には足利氏が後鳥羽院御霊を畏敬しており、足利氏の立場を反映している前田家本はその畏怖感から怨霊を描くことを憚ったものと考えられる。
  • 大隅 和雄
    日本文学
    1982年 31 巻 3 号 11-19
    発行日: 1982/03/10
    公開日: 2017/08/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the Japan of the eighth and ninth centuries, national histories were compiled on the Chinese model; from the eleventh century on, however, with the impact of narrative literature, histories came to be written in an emerging Japanese style. The Gukansho, written in the early thirteenth century, in the midst of the transition to the middle ages, is distinguished from other histories in its positing of a suprahuman entity in the movement of history. This report attempts to elucidate the thought processes of the author, the priest Jien, as he confronted the issues of language and style in the writing of this historical narrative.
  • 樋口 健太郎
    史学雑誌
    2007年 116 巻 2 号 218-243
    発行日: 2007/02/20
    公開日: 2017/12/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The post of shitsuji 執事, a major-domo appointed to each of the Fujiwara Regency's household governments during the early medieval period, should be an important subject for studying the economic aspects of this powerful aristocratic family; however, the research to date has not been forthcoming. In an attempt to fill the gap, this article attempts to clarify the basic facts about the post of shitsuji, together with subordinates known as nenyo 年預 and its relationship to the Fujiwara family, in order to understand better the latter's "household" structure. First, the author refutes the conventional tendency to view shitsuji and nenyo similarly as persons in charge of general household affairs. While nenyo were before the family's appointment as Regent closely involved in such household affairs as rites of passage, while shitsuji were in charge of ceremonies involving the regents themselves and heads of the Fujiwara and Mido 御堂 lineages. In other words, nenyo was closely related to the family aspect, while shitsuji to the political aspects of household affairs. The post of shitsuji originated during the regency of Fujiwarano-Tadamichi, and was monopolized by the top bureaucratic lineages (meika 名家) of the Kajuji 勧修寺, Hino 日野 and Takamune 高棟 branches of the Taira 平 family. Since prior to the establishment of the post, household functionaries in other than these distinguished lineages carried out the same duties, the author argues that the creation of the post marked the assumption and monopolization of regency household administration by these families and was closely related to their concurrent assumption and monopolization of state administrative duties. As schism ran through the regent family from the end of the Heian period on, it became more and more difficult for branches to uphold their families' traditional pomp and circumstance, forcing them to rely on their shitsuji, who were familiar with the old traditions, since they had been handed down to them through the same lineage generation after generation. Consequently, cases arose in which top ministers of state (kugyo 公卿) appointed their sons to the nominal position of shitsuji, thus becoming indispensable to the Regency in both its household governance and political affairs of state.
  • 秋山 喜代子
    史学雑誌
    1993年 102 巻 1 号 64-88,163-162
    発行日: 1993/01/20
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル フリー
    Regarding the problem of where and by whom children were raised, our general belief is that they were usually brought up by there own parents after ie 家 system was established in the medieval era. In fact, however, many were entrusted to foster parents as satogo 里子, which meant that lords committed their children to the care of their servants, both male (menoto 乳父) and female (menoto 乳母). These children were called yashinaigimi 養君. Satogo was different from the same term used for the custom from the early modern era on, when children were adopted by farmers living in suburban areas. This article aims to examine the overall ideas about upbringing and guardianship of children in the medieval era. Children who became yashinaigimi were those born of mistresses, those who could not expect to inherit the household, and those who had no caretakers or guardians for reason that their fathers had died or that their maternal relatives were not in power in the case of the Imperial family. These children were discriminated against and ill-treated, and lived lives evidently different from the legitimate children who were brought up in the house holds of their fathers and were privileged in many ways. Male and female menoto guarded and supported yashinaigimi instead of their parents, or their maternal relatives in the case of the Imperial family. Yashinaigimi lived with their menoto until the age between eleven and thirteen, at which time they were considered adults and thus expected to live independently. Male yashinaigimi usually became priests and many of the females became nyobo 女房. What should be noted as a political feature of this system is that some yashinaigimi, who were basically eliminated in the nomination for succession to the throne, were suddenly enthroned in time of war or by the sudden death of an Emperor. In such cases, the familles of their menoto played the role of guardians in place of maternal relatives. Such a custom, which was established in the early 12th century in parallel with the systematization of ie inherited by the legitimate children, became more prevalent in the late medieval era during which the ie system was firmly established, and was finally transformed into the adoption system of the kinsei era.
feedback
Top