『我身にたどる姫君」は、女帝の統治・今上帝の善政描写に特徴がある。それは机上の空論と見るべきではなく、鎌倉初期の九条兼実が実際に取り組んだ政策に一致する点が多いことが指摘できる。院近臣を排除し、天皇家を中心にその外戚たる藤氏摂関家がそれを補佐するという、兼実・慈円兄弟が理想とした御代を物語は実現しているのである。そこには、保元の乱以降、天皇家も摂関家も武家勢力によって分断された「危機の時代」を生きる物語作者の切なる執筆動機が読み取れる。

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『承久記』諸本のどれを見ても後鳥羽院の怨霊が現われない。最古態の慈光寺本は後鳥羽院御霊の発動以前の成立だからであると考えられるが、前田家本は成立時期、『保元物語』の強い影響などから怨霊を描かないのは何らかの理由があったと見るのが自然である。『後鳥羽院御霊託記』等を見ると、前田家本成立時期の室町初期には足利氏が後鳥羽院御霊を畏敬しており、足利氏の立場を反映している前田家本はその畏怖感から怨霊を描くことを憚ったものと考えられる。

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In the Japan of the eighth and ninth centuries, national histories were compiled on the Chinese model; from the eleventh century on, however, with the impact of narrative literature, histories came to be written in an emerging Japanese style. The Gukansho, written in the early thirteenth century, in the midst of the transition to the middle ages, is distinguished from other histories in its positing of a suprahuman entity in the movement of history. This report attempts to elucidate the thought processes of the author, the priest Jien, as he confronted the issues of language and style in the writing of this historical narrative.

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the details of how the "Shinden-zu" was drawn. It is possible that Kozen Uramatsu was the author of the "Shinden-zu" and he described it based on some historical materials. These materials also helped the author of the "Tbka-Zasho" complete his work. These materials asserted that it was a drawing of a resident building where Gokyogoku-dono was living in Kamakura period. But in fact, It was the drawing of a mid 17^<th> century residence of the Kujo-family. Kozen carelessly believed it true. It probably happened because there was a historical background that Kujo-family was building a traditional shinden in a Heian revivalistic style during early modern period.

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Regarding the problem of where and by whom children were raised, our general belief is that they were usually brought up by there own parents after ie 家 system was established in the medieval era. In fact, however, many were entrusted to foster parents as satogo 里子, which meant that lords committed their children to the care of their servants, both male (menoto 乳父) and female (menoto 乳母). These children were called yashinaigimi 養君. Satogo was different from the same term used for the custom from the early modern era on, when children were adopted by farmers living in suburban areas. This article aims to examine the overall ideas about upbringing and guardianship of children in the medieval era. Children who became yashinaigimi were those born of mistresses, those who could not expect to inherit the household, and those who had no caretakers or guardians for reason that their fathers had died or that their maternal relatives were not in power in the case of the Imperial family. These children were discriminated against and ill-treated, and lived lives evidently different from the legitimate children who were brought up in the house holds of their fathers and were privileged in many ways. Male and female menoto guarded and supported yashinaigimi instead of their parents, or their maternal relatives in the case of the Imperial family. Yashinaigimi lived with their menoto until the age between eleven and thirteen, at which time they were considered adults and thus expected to live independently. Male yashinaigimi usually became priests and many of the females became nyobo 女房. What should be noted as a political feature of this system is that some yashinaigimi, who were basically eliminated in the nomination for succession to the throne, were suddenly enthroned in time of war or by the sudden death of an Emperor. In such cases, the familles of their menoto played the role of guardians in place of maternal relatives. Such a custom, which was established in the early 12th century in parallel with the systematization of ie inherited by the legitimate children, became more prevalent in the late medieval era during which the ie system was firmly established, and was finally transformed into the adoption system of the kinsei era.

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The post of shitsuji 執事, a major-domo appointed to each of the Fujiwara Regency's household governments during the early medieval period, should be an important subject for studying the economic aspects of this powerful aristocratic family; however, the research to date has not been forthcoming. In an attempt to fill the gap, this article attempts to clarify the basic facts about the post of shitsuji, together with subordinates known as nenyo 年預 and its relationship to the Fujiwara family, in order to understand better the latter's "household" structure. First, the author refutes the conventional tendency to view shitsuji and nenyo similarly as persons in charge of general household affairs. While nenyo were before the family's appointment as Regent closely involved in such household affairs as rites of passage, while shitsuji were in charge of ceremonies involving the regents themselves and heads of the Fujiwara and Mido 御堂 lineages. In other words, nenyo was closely related to the family aspect, while shitsuji to the political aspects of household affairs. The post of shitsuji originated during the regency of Fujiwarano-Tadamichi, and was monopolized by the top bureaucratic lineages (meika 名家) of the Kajuji 勧修寺, Hino 日野 and Takamune 高棟 branches of the Taira 平 family. Since prior to the establishment of the post, household functionaries in other than these distinguished lineages carried out the same duties, the author argues that the creation of the post marked the assumption and monopolization of regency household administration by these families and was closely related to their concurrent assumption and monopolization of state administrative duties. As schism ran through the regent family from the end of the Heian period on, it became more and more difficult for branches to uphold their families' traditional pomp and circumstance, forcing them to rely on their shitsuji, who were familiar with the old traditions, since they had been handed down to them through the same lineage generation after generation. Consequently, cases arose in which top ministers of state (kugyo 公卿) appointed their sons to the nominal position of shitsuji, thus becoming indispensable to the Regency in both its household governance and political affairs of state.

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Within the recent research done on the Japanese medieval state, a debate has arisen over how to evaluate the Kamakura Bakufu in contrast to the imperial court in Kyoto. If we try to relocate the problem somewhat differently, we end up fundamentally focusing on the question of what is the meaning of "state" in medieval Japan. The present article focuses on contemporary ideology and extraordinary events from the analytical perspective of the relativization of the modern nation-state, in order to trace indicators and characteristic features of the "state" within the Japanese medieval world, within the context of the time-space continuum of premodern East Asia. In concrete terms, the author takes up the political ideology of correlating divine will with human action (tenjin 天人) in connection with extraordinary events, a set of beliefs which originated in China then spread throughout the regions on its periphery, as the ideology developed in Kyoto aristocratic society during the early medieval period, which is a given factor when trying to place the Kamakura Bakufu within context of the state at that time. This tenjin ideology involved understanding the origins of extraordinary events, both favorable and disastrous, as stemming from divine judgement towards corresponding good or bad political governance. What the author terms the "tenjin correlation" can therefore be identified as the fundamental necessary condition for aristocratic organizations responsible for political action and therefore for those political entities of the premodern East Asian world which we conceptualize as "states". Although the research to date has tended to undervalue and de-emphasize the importance of the "tenjin correlation" in the workings of the imperial court in early medieval Kyoto, the author is able to verify the continuing existence of an ideology of causality based on the "tenjin correlation," in particular with respect to extraordinary natural phenomena. That is to say, the idea of such phenomena as crucial events being a characteristic feature of the medieval world is the key to evaluating the early medieval Kyoto imperial court as a "state" within the time-space continuum of premodern East Asia. On the basis of such ideology, the various political responses that were selected and implemented on the occasion of extraordinary natural events can be understood structurally as composed of invocation (exorcism) and public acts of benevolence. The author concludes that the medieval Japanese "state" model can be understood in terms of extraordinary natural events, etc. being ultimately judged as divine punishment for immoral, mistaken political governance on the part of the ruler, and also as a political entity composed of rulers and their counselors responding to the will of heaven with two kinds of human action, acts of expiation and public displays of benevolence. It is within this context that the situation of the Kamakura Bakufu and medieval social structure should be placed.

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