P. A. Deimel's contributions relating to the land system of the Sumerian city-state of Lagash in “Orientalia” about half a century before are sometimes referred to and quoted from by Western scholars as the most fundamental on this subject to this day. But on the other hand, particularly as to his conclusive conception of the socio-economic structure of the Sumerian city-state, so called ‘Tempelwirtschaft’, he has been often criticiyed for the reason that he made mistakes in the interpretation of individual materials as well as in the process of building up the conception. In consideration of such state of diversified evaluations of his achievements, the present writer discusses in this paper the following items so as to discriminate the points in question from his acceptable results relating to the land system.
(1) Deimel's elucidation of ‘níg-en-na’; the propriety of the point of view that ‘gán-níg-en-na’ was cultivated and harvested by the labour organization of ‘gán-kur₆’-holders. (2) The interpretation of ‘kur₆’; the reason why ‘übernehmen’ than ‘festgesetzt’ should be adopted as the interpretation of ‘dab₅’ between Deimel's duplicate presentation. (3) Questions about Deimel's proposition that ‘gán-kur₆’-holders were as a whole 'militärkolonen or military husbandmen, and that all of them were under the obligation of corvée and military services. (4) The writer's points to demonstrate are as follows. Among the ‘gán-kur₆’-holders, there were, to a not inconsiderable extent, administrators, officials, and higher religious personalities who did not appeared in še-ba lú-kur₆-dab₅-ba' lists or the records concerning mass labour and appreciably more who did not appeared in the recruitment lists. The ‘šub-lugal’ people in the narrower sence, most of whom appeared in both of the še-ba lists and of recruitment lists, were only one specific sort of ‘gán-kur₆’-holders, Of course, the writer, too, does not deny the existence of the ‘gán-kur₆’-holders as a social order, considering them in view of the people of the other social orders who did not hold ‘gán-kur₆’. The writer's central aim in this paper is to make clear the complexity of this order.

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The object of this article is to point out, analyzing chiefly the administrative tablets from Lagash, some characteristics of agricultural production in ancient Sumer and to explain how closely these characteristics were related to the collective labor-system.
This paper consists of three parts. In the first chapter, I illustrated the productivity of the fields in Lagash. 6 gur-sag-gál 49 sìla per bùr (2179.1l per ha) and 76.1-fold of sowing amount, the figures which I gained from RTC71 and DP574 written in the same year, can be regarded as the average land and seed-productivity of barley in Lagash at the end of the Early Dynastic Period.
But fertility declined greatly by the time of the Third Dynasty of Ur. My estimate of 30 gur-lugal per bùr (1193.2l per ha) was obtained from RTC407 in which were written the total area of directly-controled fields of barley in Lagash at that time, the amount of barley expected to be yielded from this area and lastly the amount actually yielded. As 1.5 gur-lugal of barley was sowed per bùr, seed-productivity was 20-fold. Th. Jacobsen and R. M. Adams think salinization of soil to be the cause of decline in fertility. But what brought about salinization still remains unsolved.
At any rate, 20-fold at the period of the Third Dynasty of Ur is still higher than the figures reported about Italy in the Roman period. And 76.1-fold at the end of the Early Dynastic Period shows clearly the extraordinary fertility of Sumer. This was possible, of course, only by the elaborate irrigation-system.
In the second and third chapter, I discussed the character of irrigating-works in Sumer. To begin with, I dealed with the so-called ‘Farmers' Almanac’ in which were described various advices for a good harvest given by a farmer to his son. The farmer gives his son many, sometimes too trifle, advices about the agricultural activities at the time of preparing land, sowing and harvesting. To irrigate three or four times according to the growth of barley is, however, the only one instruction by him about the period between sowing and harvesting. That is to say, a good harvest could be expected in ordinary years only by doing such works during the interval period. Naturally it was chiefly between sowing and harvesting that people were engaged in the collective irrigating-labor. In fact, we know from CT III 18343, a large Lagash-tablet of the Third Dynasty of Ur, that erìn-people worked exclusively at the ditches of various fields and canals from the seventh month to the twelfth, roughly between sowing and harvesting.
A further study must be made about the interrelations between agricultural production and collective labor-organization, because ‘the pattern of despotism in Sumer’ will be defined by these two fundamental factors of sumerian society.

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The documents referring to the operation of the land for barley crops which belonged to ‘dam-ensí’ or ^dBa-ba₆ were so much diversified than those of the barley-ration (še-ba) and barley-delivery (še-gar ziz-gar) that any comprehensive point of view regarding these sorts of dacuments has not been carried through up to now.
The present writes, then, in this paper, has tabulated 195 documents on which the name of field was mentioned with regard to some agricultural operation, and on which the historical date was fully recorded or of which we are somehow able to assess the date, in order to afford a foundation for finding out of a comprehensive point of view. Each of 195 documents makes one item of the table with the tablet-number (Ex. DP 601) in the first place, the key-word of the tablet at the right end, and other characteristic words below them. These 195 items are classified in four main groups, three of which are classified into Deimel's three categories (nig-en-na, Kur₆, and APIN·LAL), and they are arranged chronologically.
The accuracy of the chronological assessment of so many tablets (i. e. the items with *, **, *? at the right shoulder of the tablet-number on the table) would be the key to the success of this table and it would be secured by appearances of personal names, their combinations and the rhythm of the occurance of each field's name, especially at the first year of ensí and the first year of lugal under Urukagina.
The following three matters could be drawn as the direct results of this tabulation. (1) The inference that the cultivated land of ‘é-mí’ or ^dBa-ba₆ should be operated really by Deimel's three categories. (2) The facts that the documents relating to the operation of ‘níg-en-na’-land are overwhelmingly more numerous (134 among 195 tablets; that makes a little over two-thirds) and much more diversified in the sorts of documents than the other two. The operation of ‘níg-en-na’ land was one of the central problem of the land-system of ‘é-mí’. (3) The increase of reliability of the chronological supposition that the sixth year of Enentarzi should belong to the same calendar year as the first year of Lugalanda, and the seventh year of the latter same as the first ensí-year of Urukagina.
The successful framing of this sort of table would contribute to the application of the concept of ‘agricultural year’ or ‘agricultural cycle’ as a comprehensive point of view to these documents, together with more than forty lists of the chronologically arranged agricultural informations by field's name which the writer is preparing.

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Taking up in consideration the codes of the Cyrenaic city-state, we are led to find out the traits of the Hellenic political and social structure as compared with the oriental system.
The results of the Italian excavations in Africa are collected and published under the title: " Documenti antichi dell'Africa Italiana ", the second volume of which contains the oracular law of that state, consisting of 19 articles in its preserved form. The twelfth article concerns the maiden (αρκος) in the service of Artemis, whose status was analogous to that of a priest (προφητης) for Apollo: they were not hereditary; they had need to have any preliminary education for priesthood. Some articles providing the tithed, that is, the condemned to forfeiture of one tenth of their property; reveal that priesthood was an effective instrument of the laic state power. Though their oracular power stood firm in virtue of these articles, it does not show itself as constituting a theocratic power. On the contrary, when we analyse the sacred law with reference to the constitutional development of the Cyrenaic state, we must come to the con-elusion that political submission of the priestly power to the non-religious power had been completed in Cyrenaica. This was the result of the open and latent struggles engaged between laic power on one hand and spiritual one on the other, the result to be seen overall in the other parts of the Hellenic world too, while in the oriental society remained to prevail the theocratic form of government.
The gist of the present article consists in the efforts made to clarify the Hellenic character of the Cyrenaic political and social structure, as opposed to the oriental world, through its historical vicissitudes.

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This study aims to clarify the historical change of the policy of market control by Urban Council in Hong Kong. Through analysis Hong Kong Annual Reports from 1841 to 1997, two conclusions have been formulated. First, public health has been one of the important town planning issues from the beginning of Hong Kong as the British colony, so the government had used public markets to maintain public health. Second, the government changed the policy because hawkers on the streets increased after World War II and commenced to admit the role of hawkers. But they have constructed new public market buildings which includes public institutions and denied pedlar hawkers except fixed pitch hawkers after 1970.

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