近代の漢学者・長尾雨山 （1864-1942） は,1903年12月から1914年12 月まで足かけ12年にわたり中国上海に滞在し, 上海の文人たちと交わる中で, 多くの文化的・社会的貢献を成した. 今回とりあげる 「古書画展観雅集」 の開催もその一つである.

　本稿では, 雨山が, 中国初の古書画展覧会の可能性があるこの 「雅集」 を創始し, 三次にわたる開催の後, そのすぐれた人脈形成力により, 自らが選んだ中国人士を発起人に加え， 日中協働の会に発展させるという貢献を成していたことを明らかにした.

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本稿は『支那游記』の夏丏尊（xia mianzun）抄訳「中国遊記」について、これまで参照されてこなかったいくつかの同時代的批評を取りあげ、その中国における受容のされ方について考察したものである。中国人読者が「中国遊記」を読んで示した反応は、批判と共感という相反するものであった。本稿は、この相反する文章のなかに夏丏尊の抄訳が与えた影響を確認した。

そのなかから、「中国遊記」の批判に共感する受け止め方を取り上げ、『支那游記』から読み取れる芥川の中国観との間の齟齬を明らかにした。そのような齟齬から、「中国遊記」が目標言語環境の中国で獲得した、西洋化を批判して東方的伝統を擁護する『支那游記』とは異なった、中国伝統批判と西洋化推賞という新たな意味を浮かび上がらせた。

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According to Henrietta Harrison, the identification of the symbols of the Chinese Nationalist Party with those of the Chinese nation was central to the success of the Northern 'Expedition. This expedition, in turn, can be seen in part as a victory for the new symbols, particularly images of Sun Yatsen as a national martyr and the national flag : "White Sun in a Blue Sky over a Crimson Ground" (WSBSCG). Although Sun's iconographic image had generally been recognized as an important national symbol from his death in 1925, the WSBSCG flag has been overlooked. This paper examines how the Nanjing Nationalist government established this new flag as a national symbol, from both the stand-points of legal and ideological regulations. The Nationalist government enacted various laws about the national flag "The National Emblem and National Flag of the Republic of China Act" (1928) aimed at the unification of the criteria for national flags "Procedures for Manufacturing and Using the Party Flags and the National Flags" (1931) and "Regulations for Manufacturing and Using the Party Flags and the National Flags" (1934) defined criteria for how to make and display these flags. "Procedures for Manufacturing and Selling the Party Flags and the National Flags" (1935) restricted the manufacture of party flags and national flags only to certified makers and aimed at bringing the management of flags under party control. Moreover, as ideological regulations, the Nationalist Party published an official government pamphlet "The Party Flag and the National Flag" (1929), which aimed to advertise its ideology, justify its government, and mobilize the people in its cause. To attain these goals, the pamphlet criticized the conventional Five Color national flag and connected the design of the WSBSCG flag to the official ideology of the Nationalist Party, the Three Principles of the People and the Party-State system. This was advertised in the popular lecture halls of every city, and national flag ceremonies held on anniversaries of the Revolution. Jiang Jieshi (Chiang Kaishek) lectured on themes with the national flag and started the Rise-and-Fall National Flag part of the New Life Movement in 1934. The movement aimed to establish his status as the legitimate successor of Sun Yatsen, and mobilize the people politically into a better integrate nation. Although this reorganization of the national symbol aimed at justifying a party-state system peculiar to the Nationalist government, it was also influenced by the contemporaneous Soviet Union and Fascist regimes rising up during the 1930s.

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  The main objective of the present study is to reveal the network of the literati formed around the “Wakan Hosho Tenrankai” (“Hosho Kai”) held by Kyozan Yamamoto, a famous modern calligrapher (1863 – 1934; real name Yoshisada Yamamoto; born in present-day Gifu-shi). Kyozan held “Hosho Kai” at the Kyoto Prefectural Library on December 4, 1913, supported in many ways by various members of the modern literati such as calligraphers, scholars, collectors, politicians and publishers from Japan and China. One hundred and seven fine calligraphic works were selected and displayed there, and they were published by Aburaya Hakubundo as a book called Wakan Hosho Tenrankai Kinen Jo with an afterword by Kyozan in February of the following year.

  Specifically, I examine several letters related to Wakan Hosho Tenrankai Kinen Jo to reveal the background of “Hosho Kai”. I also examine communications related to “Hosho Kai”, with reference to the correspondence of Tenrai Hidai, Luo Zhenyu, Wang Guowei, Uzan Nagao, Koreaki Isono and Tsuyoshi Inukai to consider the importance of “Hosho Kai” in the history of modern Japanese calligraphy and in the cultural exchange between Japan and China. Based on the foregoing, I further investigate the inheritance of “Hosho Kai” by the present world of calligraphy and associations of the literati to reveal the fusion of exhibitions of traditional, exemplary calligraphy with contemporary calligraphy, and the development of calligraphy to the present. As the first association of calligraphers in the Taisho era, “Hosho Kai” showed its intention to preserve the tradition and embrace contemporary calligraphy while forming part of the international network of literati in the calligraphy world in this era.

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This paper examines the historical processes of the radio broadcasting system of the Manchurian Telegraph and Telephone Company (MTTC), which was the only broadcasting company in Manchukuo, and clarifies how radio media was used to rule Manchukuo. In particular, this paper focuses on the difference between Channel One, which was mainly for Japanese residents broadcast in Japanese, and Channel Two, which was mainly for the Chinese in their own language. First of all, it was strongly anticipated that the radio enterprise of the MTTC would build a "Manchurian national identity." However, the MTTC had to apply a multilingual broadcasting policy, concentrate on the popularization of radio receivers and the establishment of a broadcasting institution. This was because the number of radio listeners in the Manchukuo was too low, there was not enough broadcasting equipment, and what existed was of poor quality. As such, the MTTC was unable to pay sufficient attention to programs aimed at integrating the Manchurian nation. As a result of prioritizing the popularizing of radio broadcasting, the broadcasting policies for Channels One and Two differed. Each channel mainly broadcasted programs which catered to their respective cultures. Their programs, which strongly reflected their cultural backgrounds, were broadcast even on important days like the foundation anniversary of Manchukuo. As a result, the radio system of the MTTC couldn't create a Manchurian national identity; however, it allowed many amateur and local artists living in north-eastern China to broadcast all over Manchukuo. Although the MTTC radio system failed to create the ideology of a Manchurian nation, it was able to create a means of cultural collaboration by serving the residents of the Manchukuo with a single radio system and by opening the stage of radio broadcasting for many amateur and local artists.

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The local government of the Three Northeastern Provinces, which had been reorganized under the governor-general after the Russo-Japanese War, disposed of a vast area of public lands in this area at the end of the Ch'ing dynasty. In this paper, I have analyzed the case of the disposal of a manor located in Chin-chou 錦州. This manor had been owned by the Bureau of Domestic Affairs (Nei-wu-fu 内務府) of the Ch'ing dynasty. Though under the authority of the Nei-wu-fu, real control had come into the hands of the "managers" (chuang-t'ou) of the manor who were banner members. Under these conditions, the newly organized local government of this area started disposing of the Chin-chou manor's lands from 1905 and completed the process in 1909. I discuss the following points on this issue: 1) The local government of the Three Northeastern Provinces disposed of the lands by selling them to private citizens. The chuang-t'ou held special privileges to purchase these lands. The chuang-t'ou class bought lands and thus acquired legal status as landlords who were free from the restrictions of the banner system. 2) The area of the disposed manor lands was about 1.35 million mu 畝. The price of the lands was from 7 ch'ien 銭 to 2 liang 両 1 ch'ien, which was about 20 percent of the real average land price in this area. The local government acquired approximately 1.8 million liang through the sale of these lands and 92,000 liang of tax from these lands a year. These revenues formed a necessary part of the funds for the realization of the local government's new policies such as the establishment of a new police force, military, judicial, educational, and local autonomy systems. 3) However, peasants of this area were opposed to the disposal of the manor's lands because recognition of chuang-t'ou's exclusive ownership of lands meant the denial of the peasants' customary rights over these lands. Some of the chuang-t'ou also resisted the disposal of the lands because they had to pay the extra land price and tax to acquire official ownership of these lands. Nevertheless, the local government of this area suppressed resistance by the newly established police and military organizations. 4) The land disposal of the Chin-chou manor was a typical case that shows the local government's attempt to reorganize the local ruling class under its control. They had not been under official control before, but now, they were expected to form an economic and political basis of the local government as a landlord class. The disposal of the Chin-chou manor also meant that the Ch'ing dynasty's privileged ownership of lands in Manchuria was gradually being denied, even before the 1911 revolution.

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This article examines the Reformed Government of the Republic of China (RGRP), which was established in Nanjing in 1938 under the protection of the Japanese Army and was in power until 1940. The RGRP has been regarded in the research to date as a Japanese-controlled puppet regime, similar to that established in Manchukuo. There is no doubt that the RGRP did exhibit some features indicating puppetry ; however, it would have been very difficult for that government to exist if it functioned solely as a Japanese tool. Therefore, the author has chosen to forgo the term "puppet" before determining the true nature of the RGRP. By clarifying its aim and its political stance, the author intends to show that the RGRP did in fact function as a government of China. He begins by considering the RGRP's leadership---Liang Hongzhi, Chen Qun, Wen Zongyao and Wang Zihui---in particular, how they defined the objectives of the new government, delineated visions of China's future and articulated their positions. In fact, the RGRP could not have functioned according to the wishes of these leaders in the midst of any direct intervention on the part of the Japanese military. Moreover, government leaders like Wen Zongyao and Wang Zihui had their own individual political ideas and opinions, as shown by the articles they published, enabling us to grasp the whole picture involving Chinese political discourse during the era in question. Such political ideas and opinions can be observed as having been well embedded within the China's historical experience from the latter half of 19th century through the first half of 20th, as exemplified by views concerning foreign diplomacy. By analyzing the ideas and opinions expressed by the leaders of the RGRP, it becomes possible to learn its true significance in the modern history of China. While taking pro-Japanese, anti-Chiang Kaishek and anti-Nationalist and anti-Communist Party political stances, the RGRP leaders also objectively analyzed the current situation and requested the Japanese to restore the occupied territories to their former condition. The author shows that RGRP was far more independent compared to the previously established the Great Way Government of the Municipality of Shanghai. That being said, the ideas and opinions adopted by the RGRP leadership were no doubt based on the premise that China had lost the Sino-Japanese War ; therefore these ideas and opinions had to change as soon as Wang Jingwei of the Nationalist Party started peace talks with Japan at the end of 1938.

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