大阪市北区に現存する戦前群を対象に，居住における生活文化の価値を明らかにし，持続的居住を実現する再生手法を実践的社会実験によって示した。(1)居住世帯の変遷と増改築の経歴を明らかにした上で，居住継承が困難になっているの住生活と居住空間の今日における価値と課題を明示した。(2)伝統的木造住宅に適した耐震改修工法を初めてで施工し，その有効性を検証するとともに，資金面からみた借家経営継続の展望も示すことができた。(3)全面的な改修を行った住戸では，減築による裏庭の復活をはじめ，本来の特性を生かして再生した。その結果，再生には多様な若年世帯が入居し，入居者による住生活評価を通じて，における持続的居住を実現できる将来展望を示した。

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Nagayamon-gate still remains in various style mainly in rural areas. The paper aims to clarify actual conditions about successful ways to maintain Nagayamon-gate. Investigations about 23 examples in Tochigi Prefecture were took into practice from viewpoints of setting premises including Nagayamon-gate, uses of the very Gate, relations between farmhouse, and so on. The conclusion could be summarized as follows: 1) 3 aspects of Nagayamon-gate’s value, those are historical-cultural, symbolic, and spatial, are extracted from the analysis; 2) 23 examples of maintaining Nagayamon-gate are classified into 3 categories, each of them is considered as mainly embodying of the previous 3 values.

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 Nagaya-mon Gate is a mixture of gate and house, which is thought to have been formed and refined in the last period of 16^th century. Through various changes of economic and social developing, the gate had been sequentially succeeded to later generation mainly by farmhouse in rural area. Nagaya-mon Gate contributes to local landscape and can be considered as cultural property, embodying local history and culture.
 The study aims to clarify actual conditions of the gate focusing on utilization and its owner's intension to maintain, in order to obtain clue of preserving Nagaya-mon Gate. Utsunomiya city and Takanezawa town, Tochigi prefecture, were chosen for investigation because many Nagaya-mon Gates of rural type now exist in the area and these two local governments have both launched local landscape plan referred to the gate. Observation survey as well as hearing and questionnaires to the owner have been put into practice several times from 2008 to 2014.
 The conclusions can be summarized as follows:
 1) the greater part of Nagaya-mon Gate was built after the Meiji Restoration, while a few built during Edo period is seen;
 2) general use of Nagaya-mon Gate at the present are such as storage for materials and equipment of agriculture, storehouse for foods and farm products, while a few examples such as living space, workspace and office are observed;
 3) the transformation of Nagaya-mon Gate use is generally described from storage of rice paid for rent, living space for tenant farmer or war damage evacuee to storage for materials and equipment of agriculture, storehouse for foods and farm products;
 4) many Nagaya-mon gates have been repaired mainly during the period of high economic growth and appearance of Nagaya-mon Gate has been drastically changed, such as roofs changed from reed roofing or stone roofing to clay tile roofing or metal sheet roofing, wall finishing also mildly changed from boarding to stone pitching;
 5) owners of Nagaya-mon Gate point out that the reason of maintaining the gate is inheritance over several generations, while importance for premises and its contribution to local landscape are also heard;
 6) owner of Nagaya-mon Gate complains of taxes and burden for repairing and managing on one hand and inconvenience for passing on the other;
 7) in spite of the previous problems, the owners' attachment and pride of the Nagaya-mon Gate is still observed, as they conceive that Nagaya-mon Gate is the symbol of their family's history. It can be said that Nagaya-mon Gate would be maintained for the future, because facing damages by the Great East Japan Earthquake, majority of the injured gate were repaired.

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 This study examines how the traditional and characteristic spaces of the Osaka modern Nagaya (row-houses) have been adapted to support the lifestyles of contemporary resident settlers through an investigation of 18 Nagaya occupants. The relationships between Nagaya space characteristics and occupant living styles were found to be particularly notable when considering (1) how Nagaya spaces with earthen-floors were utilized, (2) the residents' relationship with the Nagaya garden, (3) living styles that embrace room continuity, and (4) floor material selection and seating style.

 The results obtained can be summarized as follows:
 (1) Nagaya are utilized as venues for combined business and/or communal activities as well as residences. Within them, residents tend to engage in a wide variety of work and community activities.
 (2) The modern Osaka Nagaya can be classified based on four floor plans by paying attention to the earthen floor locations. The relationship of these four floor plans with workplace activities can be discerned. For example, floor plans with wide earthen floors in the front are often utilized as stores or community activity hubs, whereas back rooms or second floor rooms having floor plans with entrance earthen floors are often utilized as medical and welfare/care service locations.
 (3) Room continuity styles particular to Nagaya were seen in every case. Based on the way first floor rooms were used, Nagaya spaces can be classified into three types and analyzed. In the first (continuous type) style, the opening and closing of various fittings are used to adjust space segments for each use, in particular, when switching functions between living space and work space that host shops or offices. However, there were also numerous one-room types in which all the fittings were removed and the entire room (second style) or some rooms (third style) were used as an open space. The living characteristics of the one-room type depended on their intended use, and could be more easily subdivided by hanging walls or wing walls.
 (4) Nagaya gardens were commonly retained after renovations, and were carefully tended. By arranging the living areas preferentially in locations where the garden can be seen, the new residents could create more comfortable indoor environments.
 (5) In Nagaya occupied by new residents, the number of tatami rooms have declined in favor of wooden flooring, especially on the first floor. Furthermore, dining rooms were commonly remodeled into “table and chair” seating styles, while in the living rooms a “closer to the floor” seating style is now preferred. In the bedrooms, the proportion of floor seating style layouts is higher, but in most cases tended to reflect family compositions.

 Based on the above, it can be seen that the unique characteristics of the Osaka modern Nagaya have been positively retained and are currently being utilized as dwellings by families who want to enjoy residential styles that are not limited by the range imposed by nLDK housing. In most of the Nagaya examined, various renovations were added at the time of occupancy, or were added incrementally during the living process. Nevertheless, the traditional and characteristic spatial arrangements—such as the garden, the earthen floor areas, and the continuity of rooms—were retained, and lifestyles that actively utilize these advantages are evolving. In our current era, in which modernization accompanied by westernization has almost completed changed the urban housing paradigm, Osaka modern Nagaya, which reflect Japanese traditional living arrangements, are being used effectively by modern residents, and have not lost their value as housing stock.

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In this study, which considers 15 Osaka modern Nagaya houses with semi-public spaces, we analyzed and investigated changes in the spatial composition of the renovated semi-public spaces, space utilization, the content of interaction in semi-public spaces, and purpose of use. After renovation, including changing the form of the earth floor, integrating adjoining rooms, and enhancing the versatility of its semi-public spaces, etc., we found that, based on its spatial uniqueness as a traditional house, the Nagaya opens up the living space to the local community with the neighborhood forming the focus.

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Teikichi Ibe is the first that set the theory of subdivisions designing lots and blocks relatively to amenity such as daylight, air and usable open space, after the Great Earthquake of 1923. This theory was completed in the reconstruction work in Tokyo and Yokohama. In this paper, the authors intend to set the theory against the examples constructed by Dojunkai that founded in order to provide for the sufferers at that time.

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 The present study focuses on “Nagayamon” gates, one format of constituent buildings in a rural estate, with the aim of clarifying their origins and inheritance processes to date.
 Nagayamon gates remain in large numbers in rural parts of the Kanto region, but the gates, as items of cultural property, have been regarded as appendages to main houses, and therefore, no statistical data and few records are available on them.
 Our study shows that Nagayamon gates in rural areas first emerged in the first half of the 18th century, with village heads and other well-off farmers building them under the reign of feudal lords. The abundance of Nagayamon gates in central Ibaraki Prefecture can be attributed to factors of the ruling structure, whereby frequent relocations of lords toward the end of the feudal age split up their domains and increased the number of “aikyu” villages that were divided between different lords.
 Our case study shows about 40 percent of Nagayamon gates were built during the feudal age, with many of them located in aikyu and other villages where more than one ruler reigned, as well as in smaller feudal domains. Historical documents and oral tradition indicate that rulers used Nagayamon as a means of domain administration, such as by issuing Nagayamon construction permits in exchange for cash or labor, and by allowing farmers with reserves to build Nagayamon at times of famine in exchange for their release of grain from their reserves.
 More than half of all Nagayamon gates were built in the Meiji Era or later. They adopted a symbolic quality that had originated in the Edo Period, and they were popular among well-off and non-collateral families, or families of about the same social standing as those that had built Nagayamon during the Edo Period. The fact that they were introduced as symbolic objects is demonstrated by the less practical choice of their distances from the main house, orientations, building materials and other attributes than in a reference village on an island; their layouts that take account of the street-facing side of the estate; and the different wall finishes used on the front and back faces.
 Use of Nagayamon has been centered on accommodating retired members of the family well into the postwar period, but it has also complemented community demands by drawing on their spatial separation from the main houses, such as by allowing third parties to occupy them or providing venues for public activity. But disuse rose sharply and has hovered around 40 percent since around 1980, with their owners leaving the farming business, their children moving out, and new houses being built to accommodate retired family members. Conversion of functions to use Nagayamon gates as galleries, shops or other establishments by drawing on their characteristic locations has so far been rare.
 While new Nagayamon gates have seldom been built in recent years, existing ones have been renewed or maintained by total replacement, partial rebuilding or repairs. Interviews with their owners indicated they are highly motivated to pass on the items of heritage. Despite changes in roof materials and extensions, Nagayamon gates still observe a certain format, so they are recognized as a constituent element of community landscape, and their continued inheritance is desired by third parties as well.

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